Showing posts with label International Organizations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label International Organizations. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 27, 2010

Transparency at the World Bank

This seems like an unqualifiedly good move:

WORLD BANK GROUP OPENS DATA TO ALL

World Development Indicators, Global Development Finance, Africa Development Indicators, and Global Economic Monitor are now free, open, and easy to access at data.worldbank.org.

Recognizing that transparency and accountability are essential to development, the World Bank Group now provides free, open, and easy access to its comprehensive set of data on living standards around the globe—some 2,000 indicators, including hundreds that go back 50 years. The data is available in Arabic, French, and Spanish in addition to English.

“I believe it’s important to make the data and knowledge of the World Bank available to everyone,” said World Bank Group President Robert B. Zoellick. “Statistics tell the story of people in developing and emerging countries and can play an important part in helping to overcome poverty. They are now easily accessible on the Web for all users, and can be used to create new apps for development. ”

The open data announcement coincides with the launch of the World Development Indicators (WDI) 2010, the Bank’s popular statistical resource. Apart from giving open access to the WDI, with nearly 1000 indicators, the initiative also opens up the Global Development Finance (GDF), Africa Development Indicators (ADI), Global Economic Monitor (GEM), and indicators from the Doing Business report.

Access to these new resources is available at data.worldbank.org, a central web site that makes it easier to find, use, and manipulate data. A data catalog lists the available databases. The Bank will continue to add databases in the months ahead.


It is not, perhaps, the kind of transparency that we immediately think of in relation to the opening up of global administrative bodies (e.g. in terms of decision-making and dispute resolution), but this is nonetheless an important development. So-called "indicators" are becoming increasingly important as a tool of global governance, and the World Bank has been at the very forefront of this move. Opening up its data in this way will not only provide a hugely useful resource for those who want to incorporate it in their own projects; it will also give plenty to chew over for those who approach the "turn to indicators" from a more critical perspective, and seek to unmask the inevitable political choices and interests that lie behind the apparently neutral, technical façade.

Incidentally, the IILJ is leading its own Project on Indicators as a Global Technology, running in parallel to - and overlapping with - the GAL project more generally. Here's the blurb:

The use of indicators as a technique of global governance is increasing rapidly. Major examples include the World Bank’s Doing Business Indicators; the World Bank’s Good Governance and Rule of Law indicators; the Millennium Development Goals (which inform many indicators); many OECD indicators and rankings; the indicators produced by Transparency International, by Freedom House, and by consultancies specialized in advising investors on political risks; and, the US State Department’s Trafficking in Persons indicators. Human rights indicators are being developed in the UN and regional and advocacy organizations. The burgeoning production and use of indicators has not been accompanied by systematic comparative study of, and reflection on, the implications, possibilities and pitfalls of this practice. What does it mean to use indicators as a technology of governance? How does the increasing use of indicators in global governance affect the distribution of power, and the power of the governed? How does it affect the nature of decision-making about the allocation of resources and efforts to monitor compliance with global standards? This project, directed by Kevin Davis, Benedict Kingsbury, and NYU legal anthropologist Sally Engle Merry, working closely with Meg Satterthwaite, Lewis Kornhauser, Richard Stewart, and other NYU faculty, examines this phenomenon. A framing paper and workshop series are in preparation.

Some papers are available at the link above; they are well worth a read for those interested (on the World Bank in particular, see Kevin Davis and Michael Kruse, Taking the Measure of Law: The Case of the Doing Business Project; on the project more generally, Kevin Davis, Benedict Kingsbury, and Sally Engle Merry, Indicators as a Technology of Global Governance).


Thursday, April 1, 2010

The Strange Normativity of IOs: Part I

A recurring question by those less familiar with the field of global administrative law is precisely why, and in what regard, the claim - central to the field - that international organizations can now be viewed as public administrative bodies can be made and defended. The stock answer is that they exercise public power that cannot be accurately described as either legislative or judicial in nature. "Administrative" then becomes something of a negatively-defined catch-all.

Many, however, seem to find this unsatisfactory; and indeed, it does appear to me to be at best only half of a definition. I thought it might be useful, therefore, to start a small series of posts (perhaps a series of one; we'll see how things go) on the "strange normativity" of international organisations: that is, the ways in which their activities take on important normative characteristics, or impact upon the existing "hard" legal orders, whether at the global, regional or national levels. While this will not - at least initially - provide the missing "half" of the definition discussed above, it will I hope provide some examples of the reasons why it is suggested that the activities of international organisations that fall short of actual law creation (as most do) nonetheless have important public normative characteristics - and thus flesh out a little what is meant by this category of global "administrative" power.

To kick off the series, an interesting example of the interplay between the activities of IOs and domestic constitutional law in my new home, Australia. As many will know, Australia is a federal state; and - as almost always is the case in federal states - the issue of the division of competences between the federal and state governments is often the cause of controversy. The issue is regulated by s51 of the Australian Constitution, which lists what are known as the "federal heads of power". Perhaps the most important of these is contained in s51(xxix.), which vests the power to legislate over matters involving "External Affairs" in the Commonwealth Parliament.

Of particular interest to me here, however, is the expansive interpretation that this has been given by the Australian High Court. In Commonwealth v. Tasmania (1983), it held that

It is preferable that the circumstances in which a law is authorized by the external affairs power be stated in terms of what is sufficient, even if the categories overlap, rather than in exhaustive terms. To be a law with respect to external affairs it is sufficient that it:

(a) implements any international law; or
(b) implements any treaty or convention whether general (multilateral) or
particular; or
(c) implements any recommendation or request of the United Nations Organization or subsidiary organizations such as the World Health Organization, The United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization, The Food and Agriculture Organization or the International Labour Organization;


And further that:

It is, however, relevant for present purposes to note that the responsible conduct of external affairs in today's world will, on occasion, require observance of the spirit as well as the letter of international agreements, compliance with recommendations of international agencies and pursuit of international objectives which cannot be measured in terms of binding obligation.

The "soft law" activities of IOs - of global administrative bodies - therefore have a direct normative impact on Australian constitutional law, in affecting the division of competencies between the Commonwealth and State parliaments. One interesting example, I thought, of the strange normativity of IOs...

Sunday, March 28, 2010

Did the WHO "Cry Wolf" Over Swine Flu?

The World Health Organization (WHO) is fast becoming one of the more controversial international organizations within the UN family, with a number of allegations (or, depending on your viewpoint, commendations) that it has developed a penchant for operating ultra vires, or beyond its mandate. The most striking (but by no means the only) example of this was in relation to the SARS crisis, where the WHO took certain steps to control the disease - such as the issuance of travel advisory warnings in relation to affected States - which had a significant impact on the economies of the States in question, but for which the Organization had no explicit mandate.

While the WHO actions with regard to SARS was not without its critics, it has been largely viewed as a good example of a global administrative body asserting its independence and acting rapidly to avert a global crisis. That, however, may be changing: following the prominent role played by the WHO in the swine flu scare, and the low levels of infection that have since been observed, the behaviour - and processes - of the Organization in this and other putative health crises is being revisited. (See here for the Daily Mash's inimitable take on WHO and the swine flu pandemic).

Via the Guardian, we learn that a draft report being prepared for the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), by UK Labour MP Paul Flynn, is very critical of the WHO's handling of the swine flu outbreak, effectively accusing the Organization of "crying wolf" over the issue, and thus risking public confidence in future cases:

In the United Kingdom, the Department of Health initially announced that around 65,000 deaths were to be expected. In the meantime, by the start of 2010, this estimate was downgraded to only 1,000 fatalities. By January 2010, fewer than 5,000 persons had been registered as having caught the disease and about 360 deaths had been noted...

This decline in confidence could be risky in the future... When the next pandemic arises many persons may not give full credibility to recommendations put forward by WHO and other bodies. They may refuse to be vaccinated and may put their own health and lives at risk.

Interestingly, at a public hearing of PACE's Committee on Social, Health and Family Affairs, Flynn has expanded his comments to previous actions taken by the WHO:

The world has been frightened by a serious of health scares – SARS, Avian 'Flu and now Swine 'Flu. We now know, in hindsight, that the fears that were aroused do not appear to be justified. So we want to know how decisions on pandemics are taken – are they taken on the best scientific, epidemiological evidence, or are they influenced by other interests? That is the basis of this complaint. With H1N1, did the WHO, once again, frighten the world without any substantial evidence?

It is, of course, this focus on decision-making procedures that is of most interest to us from a GAL perspective; as the Guardian article notes,

Flynn's draft accuses the WHO of a lack of transparency. Some members of its advisory groups are flu experts who have also received funding, especially for research projects, from pharmaceutical companies making drugs and vaccines against flu.


This ties in to claims that are being made in other fields, most notably that of climate change and the recent travails of the IPCC (on which more soon): given that the production of scientific knowledge is now such a crucial part of global governance in a number of very high-profile fields, are we to see the traditional models of academic scientific accountability (most notably peer review) make way for more robust provisions modelled on - indeed, representing a discrete branch of - administrative law?


Monday, March 15, 2010

Has the Secretary General been barred from bringing claims before the UN Dispute Tribunal?

The answer, it seems, is yes; until, at least, he does what he's told, says sorry and promises not to do it again...

A quick post to highlight a fascinating stand-off currently playing out in the new UN Dispute Tribunal (something I will post on in more detail when I get a minute, as it really is an important development in terms of more traditional international administrative law).

The case in question is Bertucci v. Secretary General of the United Nations, currently being heard by Judge Adams in New York. In his Order No. 40 (NY/2010) of 3 March 2010, he ordered the respondent (the Secretary General) to submit to the Tribunal certain documents pertaining to the case in question. On 7 March 2010, the Respondent entered a submission stating that it declined to submit the documents required of it, and giving reasons for this.

Judge Adams was, perhaps understandably, less than enamoured with this course of action. In Order No. 42 (NY/2010), he notes:

4. To disobey an order of the Tribunal is undoubtedly contempt. Whether it is so described matters not. A deliberate decision to disobey is a direct attack upon the jurisdiction of the Tribunal and its power to undertake the responsibilities with which it has been entrusted in its Statute by the General Assembly.

5. The Tribunal will not accept the legitimacy of disobedience of its orders...

8. This problem has been considered in the common law and the position is clear. Time does not permit me to discuss the relevant cases. But they do not represent any peculiarity of the common law, merely the consequences of the courts controlling their own procedures in the face of contempt-here the willful disobedience of an order of the court-by exercising its necessarily inherent power to vindicate the integrity of its jurisdiction. In my view, a party who has willfully disobeyed a direct order of the Tribunal is not entitled to appear in the Tribunal to advance its case, nor to call any evidence whilst that party remains disobedient and until that disobedience has been purged...

10. The third question is this: why should the respondent be entitled to appear in any proceedings before the Tribunal whilst it is in willful disobedience of an order of the Tribunal? Counsel for the respondent submitted that it should suffer its exclusion only in this case. I decided to reserve the question for the present, but I cannot think that the respondent can be permitted to say, in effect, that it cares about outcomes in different cases differently and only complies with orders where it wants to defend a case. I do not think the Tribunal can be subjected to such a process. But, for now, until my order is complied with, I will not hear the respondent. The applicant is entitled to proceed, on the basis that none of the respondent's material will be considered.

Counsel for the Secretary General then sought to argue that they should be heard in relation to other cases while the dispute over Order No. 40 was ongoing. Judge Adams clarified has since clarified his position, in Order No. 43, in the following terms:

8. Counsel for the respondent contended that it would, in effect, undermine the· administration of justice to deny the respondent a hearing. Of course, this would generally be the case. But the respondent is not being denied the opportunity to be heard, which is the correct statement of the principle. The respondent has it in his hands to take advantage of the opportunity to be heard by obeying the orders of the Tribunal. It is the respondent's own acts that must have the effect of excluding him. Counsel's argument essentially is that the respondent should be able to be heard in the Tribunal whilst denying the obligation to obey the orders of the Tribunal. This is an untenable position.

9. In my view, it would entirely undermine the authority of the Tribunal if the respondent could continue to invoke the jurisdiction of the Tribunal in cases where there were no orders to which he objected, but was indifferent to what occurred in cases where there were orders he decided he would disobey. It would leave the Tribunal in the position that it would never know whether its orders would be complied with or not in the face of the undoubted legal obligation to obey the Tribunal's orders. Accordingly, the Secretary-General will not be heard in the accountability case and he should have fair notice that should his counsel make application to be heard in the other cases before me, my present inclination is that until the disobedience of the Secretary-General is purged by producing the documents I have required to be produced, accompanied by an apology to the Tribunal and an undertaking not to disobey an order again, the respondent will not be entitled to appear, before me.

10. The fundamental purpose is not to punish the respondent, but to make clear that the respondent does not get to decide which orders he will comply with and which he will ignore. There is no other way the jurisdiction and integrity of the Tribunal can be upheld. I regard the refusal as a direct and brazen attack on the rule of law created by the General Assembly and solemnly embodied in the Statue of this Tribunal. The Secretary-General can either comply with the rule of law, or he can defy it, but it should be understood, that if ·he defies it, he cannot expect that the Tribunal will be prepared to listen to what might be said by him or on his behalf. I trust the matter is now clear.

It is hard not to like Judge Adams, who it seems is causing something of a stir in UN circles with his principled stand in these latest orders; the idea that the Secretary General is really bound by the decisions of the Tribunal has apparently come as a bit of a shock. In his latest order on this issue, Adams notes that the Secretary General has requested a week for "further consideration" to be given to the orders; refusing to back down, rhe eplied that "The question of principle is simple and easily understood. I am unable to see how any reasonable consideration of it could take so long." Updates on this case can be found here as it unfolds.

He also notes that "At the close of the day's proceedings, the Tribunal ordered that the officer who made the decision that Tribunal's Order 40 (NY 12010) would not be complied with is to appear before me at 10:00 a.m., Wednesday, 10 March 2010."

Shame I'm not still in New York - would have been fun to have been a fly on the wall at that one...


**UPDATE** Brilliantly, the officer in question didn't show up. Probably best just to give you Judge Adams' reaction in his own words:

It is clear that the decision to disobey the Tribunal's Order No. 40 (NY/2010) as to production of documents was taken by an officer of the Organization. Accordingly, yesterday I also ordered (Order No. 44 (NY/2010)) the officer who had made the decision to disobey the order, whose identity has not been disclosed, to appear in the Tribunal this morning at 10:00am, expecting that counsel for the respondent then in court would take appropriate steps to ascertain that person's identity and inform him or her of the order to appear...

At shortly after 9:30am this morning the Registry was informed in a document entitled "submission" and signed by a legal officer and the Chief of the Administrative Law Section of the Office of Human Resources Management as follows-

In response to Order No. 2010/44, the respondent notifies the Tribunal that the officer referred to ... will not be appearing before the Tribunal at 10.00am on 10 March 2010...

As I have already said, the refusal to obey the Tribunal's Order is a brazen attack upon the rule of law embodied in the Tribunal and cannot be disregarded. In other jurisdictions, serious personal penalties would apply to officials who willfully disobeyed the order of a court. That sanction is not. available to the Tribunal except through misconduct proceedings. It follows therefore that the Tribunal must use other means of enforcing the jurisdiction which has been entrusted to it by the General Assembly under the Charter and pursuant to its Statute. The Tribunal has an inherent jurisdiction to safeguard its own proceedings, to ensure that they are not abused by any party and to ensure, so far as possible, that its orders are obeyed. A party which is in willful disobedience of an order cannot at the same time expect that he, she or it will be permitted to invoke the jurisdiction of the Tribunal to vindicate their contractual rights. The Tribunal is no respecter of persons. The Organization, which is represented by the Secretary-General, is a mere contracting party before the Tribunal, with no status greater or better than that of the staff member, and is subject to the same rules.

When counsel was directed to convey my Order to the decision-maker, she informed me that she needed to "talk to her bosses" and could only convey my Order "through my hierarchy". I informed counsel, "Your bosses should understand that, if my Order is not obeyed, I will expect a person to appear tomorrow morning to explain why. It is the professional obligation of a lawyer to convey decisions of the court to the client. I expect that obligation to be fulfilled. If there is a question about whether it is fulfilled or not, I will expect an explanation."

That, I think, is quite clearly fighting talk.

Wednesday, June 24, 2009

Some brief reflections on Viterbo V

I am moving house (again) this week, having not long returned from my GAL European Tour (well, Viterbo and Edinburgh – I certainly can’t complain), and so do not have a huge amount of time. I wanted, however, to post some reflections on the two events, while they are still (relatively) fresh in my mind. I’ll begin with Viterbo in this post, and move on to the Edinburgh meeting in the next. I won’t go ionto huge detail, however; in the hope that someone will produce a report in the not-too-distant future.

First things first: it was, as always, a huge pleasure to be present at the Viterbo event. The organisers – led, as usual, by Professors Sabino Cassese, Giulio Vesperini and Doctor Martina Conticelli – by now have things down to a fine art form. A selection of photos from the conference is available here. I know of no other event that manages to establish and maintain such a sense of community amongst ist participants; nor, for that matter, that succeeds in attracting people back year after year, even if they are not formally participating. The obvious attractions of Italy in June only account for a small part of the reason for this. I certainly hope to attend next year; employer permitting, of course.

On to the papers themselves, which are available here: all were to some degree preliminary (some, of course, more than others); all, however, seemed to be very promising, touching on some important – and often understudied – themes, under the broad heading of “Legality Review in the Global Administrative Space”:

Review Bodies in Multilateral Environmental Agreements. Competences, Coherence, Coordination
Dionysia-Theodora Avgerinopoulou

Implications Of Transparency In The International Civil Aviation Organization’s Universal Safety Oversight Audit Programme

Jimena Blumenkron

Proactive Strategies in the Global Legality Review
Gianluca Sgueo

Deference in U.S. Domestic Courts and Implications for Legality Review

Catherine Sweetser

Beyond Multilateralism and Regionalism. Analysis of the Review Process of Global Trade Dispute Resolution
Blake C.Y. Wang

What Makes Networks Effective: Evidence from the SEC

David Zaring

As will be immediately clear from the titles of the pieces, all of the authors used a very broad understanding of what constitutes “legality review” in the so-called “global administrative space” (as an aside, this latter term, I confess, causes me some discomfort; although it was postulated by Kingsbury, Krisch and Stewart in the Project framing paper, I have yet to see much beyond postulation in support of its existence. To me it implies a much more unitary space than as yet exists). This is, to my mind at least, at once an indication of both the strength (in terms of its institutional and forms of activity coverage) and weakness (in terms of its frequent lack of hard legality) of the GAL framework more generally.

The papers, for the most part, do pretty much what they say on the tin: Dionysia Avgerinopoulou gives a useful, if basic, overview of the wealth of different review bodies established by international environmental treaties, and the different roles they play; Jimena Blumenkron has an in-depth analysis of the transparency rules relating to the production of Standards and Recommended Practices by the International Civil Aviation Organization; Gianluca Sgeuo asks the intriguing question of why an increasing number of global review bodies are insisting upon “proactive” (i.e. programmatic), rather than reactive, sanctions-based solutions to breaches of legality; Cathy Sweetser looks at how different doctrines of deference by courst to administrative decisions in US law might be applied in the context of global institutions, and what the effects of this might be; Blake Wang, who unfortunately couldn’t attend the meeting due to illness (thankfully, rumours of “swine flu” proved to be premature…), looks at relations between the WTO and regional FTAs, asking whether we might envuisage the creation of a Court of International Trade; and finally David Zaring, a long-time contributor to the GAL Project, in his paper looks to propose an answer to the important issue of why some regulatory networks “work” (in his terms, why some are able to produce standards or regulation with real applicability and “bite”) and why others fail to reach this standard.

If you can only read two, and have no specific interest in any of the particular organisations or regimes focused upon, then I would recommend the pieces by Zaring and Sgeuo (the English in the latter is a little clunky, but worth the effort. And the fact that it is clunky is largely my fault, as I didn’t have time to make good on a promise to edit it…). Both tackle relatively new issues within GAL, general in scope, and make a number of interesting propositions with regard to each; as yet, I’d say, more provocative than persuasive, but that’s very much the point of events such as these.

The rest of the Friday session was largely taken up with general and specific comments to the authors of the papers, and with their responses thereto. There were some interesting exchanges, but as I didn’t take particularly copious notes, we will have to wait for the (hopefully) forthcoming report to give a fuller account of these. Perhaps inevitably, a number of comments focused on the extent to which the subject-matter of the papers could be accurately characterised as “legality” review. One comment in particular that I wanted to flag, however, was that made by Mario Savino in his role as discussant of three of the papers: he went beyond challenging the “legal” nature of the reviews in question, and raised directly a broader, but related issue: how does global administrative law differ from global governance? Specifically, what is the “added value” of adopting a public law approach to these issues? Savino’s concern was that this particularly public law element was missing from many of the papers; my view is that it is missing from many of the articles and discussions of global administrative law more generally, and is perhaps more than any other factor responsible for the feeling – very widespread amongst many academics – that GAL is too lacking in focus, spread to thin, to be an analytically useful framework or tool.

The next and final session, which took place on the Saturday morning, was devoted to short talks by Professors Armin von Bogdandy, Richard Stewart and Eyal Benventisti, before discussion, led by Professor Sabino Cassese, moved on to the date and substance of next year’s event. As would be expected, all contributions here were thoughtful and provocative: none more so than the remarks by von Bogdandy, who spoke on “international courts in a discourse theoretical perspective”. In some ways, this can be seen as a continuation of the impressive Max Planck project on international public authorities that he led, and was successfully completed last year; as always with discourse theory, however, if it is to be at all persuasive the audience is required to have swallowed a fairly large chunk of Habermas prior to listening; those who have doubts about the Habermasian approach find those transferred to whoever relies upon it. More concretely, although I found myself in broad agreement with much of what Professor von Bogdandy had to say, and in particular on the “perils” of applying constitutionalist rhetoric to the global sphere, I felt that his talk overplaed the importance of democratic forms of legitimacy in global governance (that is, overplayed not just how important they are, but how important they can and should be). As I have argued elsewhere, democracy is in my view but one of many justifiable bases upon which legitimate global governance could rest; and, given the difficulty of making international institutions genuinely accountable to hundreds of different demoi simultaneously, the almost complete absence of any viable post-state demos (excluding perhaps the EU), and the certain absence of anything like a truly global demos, it is not now and nor should it be a particularly important one. (This is an argument that I developed at greater length in the paper that I gave at Edinburgh – I’m currently toying with the idea of putting it on SSRN, will link to it if I decide to).

Unusually, neither the date nor the topic for next year’s seminar was definitively fixed: sometime in mid-June (either the 11-12 or the 18-19) 2010 seems almost certain; potential topics cover a much wider range, so there isn’t a huge amount of point in speculating. I will post on this further when I hear that the decision has been taken.

Lastly, if I were to have any quibble at all with the manner in which this part of the conference was structured, it would be that there was perhaps slightly insufficient time devoted to the discussion of the individual papers: these were presented by the discussants in two back-to-back sessions, then there was a break, and then a general discussion on all six contributions. Only at the very end were the authors given a chance to respond, and this meant that formal opportunities for actually “conferring” were kept to a minimum (although this, of course, was largely compensated for by the informal opportunities that came with dinner and drinks afterwards). My own view is that perhaps another session could have been added; that discussion could have focused on each of the sets of three papers individually, and allowed for more back-and-forth between authors and audience. The conference itself – running from 3pm to 6.30 on Friday, and from 9.30am to 1pm on Saturday – was anything but overlong, and could perhaps have benefitted from an extra hour or two. Then again, perhaps it’s no bad thing to leave us wanting more…

In, then, not-quite-so-short-as-I-had-intended, it was, as anticipated, an extremely worthwhile event; I’m looking forward to reading future iterations of the papers as they develop over the coming months. If anyone wants to add to - or, indeed, correct - this account of the event, please feel free to leave a comment below!

Saturday, May 30, 2009

Accountability and humanitarianism...


From the Global Governance Watch website, we learn of an interesting development in terms of the rising demand for global administrative law within the fields of humanitarian aid and intervention. The Humanitarian Accountability Partnership (HAP) has released its 2008 Humanitarian Accountability Report. It assesses a wide range of different organisations, from IGOs (the World Bank, the UNHCR, IOM, NATO, IAEA, amongst others), NGOs (Transparency International, ICRC, IOC, again amongst many others), and transnational corporations (amongst which are Haliburton, Goldman Sachs, Royal Dutch Shell and Carrefour); and it contains the following five chapters:

Chapter 1: An Overview of Humanitarian Accountability in 2008. The opening chapter provides an overview of materials relevant to humanitarian accountability published in 2008. The purpose of the annual humanitarian accountability essay is to offer an informed and independent view of progress made by the humanitarian system towards meeting HAP’s strategic vision of “a humanitarian sector with a trusted and widely accepted accountability framework, which is transparent and accessible to all relevant parties”.

Chapter 2: Survey of Perceptions of humanitarian accountability. This chapter reports on the fourth annual survey of perceptions of humanitarian accountability.

Chapter 3: Voices of disaster survivors. During 2008, HAP staff held extensive discussions with communities affected by disasters. Some of the direct quotes recorded at various locations are presented here.

Chapter 4: Members’ Accountability Workplan Implementation Reports. In preparing for the 2009 General Assembly, most of HAP’s members prepared summary accountability workplan implementation reports. These are presented in tabulated form in this chapter.

Chapter 5: The HAP Secretariat Annual Report. This chapter was prepared by HAP staff and provides a self-assessment of progress achieved against the objectives set out in the 2008 workplan and the headline targets described in the 2007-2009 medium term strategic plan.


According to GGW, the general conclusion is that the major players in the field could do better:

The organization’s 2008 report reveals that there is room for improvement across the humanitarian sector. The report cites a study completed by One World Trust, which annually compares a select grouping of NGOs, IGO, and corporations, underscoring the need for UN accountability reform. In particular, UNICEF and UNHCR scored less than 30 points out of a possible 100 on organizational transparency.

Actually, digging a little deeper, the HAP is itself an extremely interesting body from a global administrative law perspective. It styles itself "the humanitarian sector's first international self-regulatory body", and, amongst other things, develops standards for measuring accountability and quality of service within humanitarian aid institutions, and "certifies those members that comply with the HAP Standard in Humanitarian Accountability and Quality Management". Its 2007 Standard in Humanitarian Accountability and Quality Management, "a quality assurance tool for humanitarian organizations", sets out the following six "benchmarks":

1. The agency shall establish a humanitarian quality management system.
2. The agency shall make the following information publicly available to intended beneficiaries, disaster-affected communities, agency staff and other specified stakeholders: (a) organisational background; (b) humanitarian accountability framework; (c) humanitarian plan; (d) progress reports; and (e) complaints handling procedures.
3. The agency shall enable beneficiaries and their representatives to participate in programme decisions and seek their informed consent.
4. The agency shall determine the competencies, attitudes and development needs of staff required to implement its humanitarian quality management system.
5. The agency shall establish and implement complaints-handling procedures that are effective, accessible and safe for intended beneficiaries, disaster-affected communities, agency staff, humanitarian partners and other specified bodies.
6. The agency shall establish a process of continual improvement for its humanitarian accountability framework and humanitarian quality management system.

Haven't had time to look into this in much detail, but it is certainly a striking example of the kind of dual-natured global administrative body that are becoming more and more common - that is, an entity that is at once an oversight body and an administrative body in its own right (i.e. insofar as it develops standards, grants certifications, etc.). The other immediately striking feature of the report and the Standard is the apparent focus on the managerial side of accountability (as opposed to a more robustly legal side). I have blogged on this focus within the field of humanitarianism before, on the issue of the Save the Children report on sexual abuse of children by aid workers; this HAP Report seems to take a very similar approach (indeed, the Save the Children report is itself reffered to with approval). A quick search of the 204-page report, for example, reveals that the term "criminal" does not appear, and there do not seem to be many - if any - real references to legal accountability mechanisms at all (for example, at p. 17 we learn that the "an organisation’s accountability capabilities [one of the categories in the table provided at the outset to this post, which can be found at p. 17] are measured by assessing the integration of key good practice principles in policies and procedures and the existence of management systems to support their implementation"). The key issue remains: managerial forms of accountability are certainly necessary; but are they - in this of all fields - even remotely sufficient?


Tuesday, May 26, 2009

Recent GAL events: Quick round-up

To get the ball rolling, a quick round up of some of the recent major NYU-sponsored GAL events that have been taking place throughout the world:

1) Practical Legal Problems of International Organizations: A Global Administrative Law Perspective on Public/Private Partnerships, Accountability, and Human Rights (Geneva, March 20-21, 2009).

This conference was jointly organized and sponsored by the Department of Public International Law and International Organization at the University of Geneva Law School and the New York University (NYU) Institute for International Law and Justice. The event was also sponsored by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, and the Institute for Research on Public Administration of Rome.The purpose of the meeting was to raise, analyze, and discuss important operational issues that confront major international organizations (IOs) that may not as yet have been sufficiently addressed in systematic fashion. In order to do so, the conference brought together leading experts – both practitioners and academics – in the field.

A conference report is avaible here; some photos here. This was the only one of these events that I was actually able to attend; I will post some reflections later in the week, on the assumption that late is indeed better than never...


2) IILJ-Hauser Abu Dhabi Conference on “Climate Change: Financing Green Development” (May 3-5, 2009)

NYU Law School held a conference in Abu Dhabi May 3-5, 2009 on Climate Change: Financing Green Development. The conference, held with the support of the Abu Dhabi government, addressed the legal and regulatory elements of carbon markets, climate finance, and climate-related investment in developing countries. The issues for discussion included market-based climate regulatory programs, the design, governance and linkage of carbon markets, climate-related conditions on various forms of development finance, international trade and investment law governing domestic climate regulation including of emissions trading and climate assets, and tax and distributional issues.

Conference participants included leading representatives of the climate finance industry, carbon market regulators, developing countries, multinational businesses, sovereign wealth funds, international organizations, and NGOs as well as academic experts. NYU faculty, other academics, regulators, and expert practitioners presented papers on key legal, regulatory, and policy issues associated with climate finance and development in order to frame discussion and debate among all participants.

The conference blurb/agenda can be found here; as soon as I locate a report, I'll post a link.

3) IILJ GAL Workshop in Beijing: "Legal Issues in the Process of Globalization: Globalization and Legal Governance” (May 22-23, 2009)

The IILJ held a GAL conference in Beijing on May 22-23, in collaboration with Tsinghua University School of Law. This event was also sponsored by The International Development Research Centre, Canada The event was another important part of the ongoing effort to actively encourage the participation of developing country scholars and institutions within the GAL Project, which has laready seen conferences held in Buenos Aires, Cape Town and Delhi over the last few years.

Participants from NYU presented papers on various topics, ranging from the theoretical framework of GAL to its application in particular regulatory areas, such as climate change, financing development, sovereign wealth funds, and international trade and intellectual property. The participating Chinese scholars also applied a GAL approach in examining China’s participation in global governance, with a particular focus on the use of administrative law mechanisms to address urgent regulatory and institutional reform issues in response to financial turmoil, climate change and trade protectionism.

A number of different global partners of the GAL project – from Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, India and South Africa – also attended this conference, and contributed their expertise from a comparative legal perspective. In addition, the IILJ is committec to developing a future research agenda for the GAL project with global partners and sponsors in Beijing.

Again, if/when I find a link to a report, I'll post it here.

4) Round Table on Global Administrative Law (Monterrey, Mexico, April 25 , 2009)

Don't know much about this one. It was convened by the IILJ in conjunction with meetings of the International Association of Administrative Law and the Mexican Administrative Law Association. More info (for those who read Spanish at least) can be found here.

Now we just have the 5th annual GAL seminar in Viterbo (always an extremely worthwhile event) and the GAL conference at Edinburgh to look forward to next month. I am going to both, so will post up reflections on them here shortly afterwards.

Wednesday, April 22, 2009

The WHO: What it's going to do, and how it's going to do it...

For those interested in global health governance, or in precisely why we insist that international organizations can now be viewed as now exercising public administrative power more generally, it's worth having a look at the WHO's Medium-Term Strategic Action Plan 2008-2013, in which the Organization sets out the strategic objectives that will guide its activities over the next six years, and, in some detail, the ways in which these will be met and the lessons learned from past endeavours. Amongst the activities that it will be carrying out include the "development, modification, validation and dissemination of standards and operating procedures"; increased research and data collection on various different health issues; providing guidance and other forms of technical assistance to governments in dealing with these; compiling evidence on cost-effective interventions; building the necessary capacity (at both the national and international levels) for enabling rapid responses to health emergencies as they emerge; and otherwise fulfilling what it styles as its "global leadership role" in the field.

There is also ample evidence of the increasing awareness of the importance of global administrative law in its activities - both in encouraging mechanisms of accountability and transparency in WHO member states (what I call the "domestic coordinate" of GAL), and in applying these also to its own activities (the "extranational coordinate"). As an example, consider the following two passages, the first referring to health governance in member states, the second to the governance of the WHO:

Although there is no single universal model for organizing service delivery, there are some well established principles. First, measures should be taken to prevent exclusion and ensure universal coverage with integrated services; second, the full range of providers, both public and private, have to be taken into account; third, unnecessary duplication and fragmentation needs to be avoided; and fourth, effective accountability mechanisms that involve civil society and include communities should be in place (p. 83).



The governing bodies need to be serviced effectively, and their decisions implemented in a responsive and transparent way. Clear lines of authority, responsibility and accountability are needed within the Secretariat, especially in a context where resources, and decisions on their use, are increasingly decentralized to locations where programmes are implemented (p. 101).


Hat tip to the Global Governance Watch website, for whom this document represents (yet another) “significant threat” to national sovereignty (indeed, no less than the rise of the "nanny UN"). Of course, to the extent that by this they mean the exercise of public power impacting upon national governments by extranational organizations, I can but agree; but surely the interesting question now is not how to stop this trend (that ship sailed some time ago), but how to regulate, confine and direct it.


Thursday, March 26, 2009

New periodical: Journal of International Peacekeeping

The first issue of the Journal of International Peacekeeping has just been published, and the full text of all the articles are available online.

The Journal of International Peacekeeping is devoted to reporting upon and analyzing international peacekeeping with an emphasis upon legal and policy issues, but is not limited to these issues. Topics include inter alia peacekeeping, peace, war, conflict resolution, diplomacy, international law, international security, humanitarian relief, humanitarian law, and terrorism. The journal is of scholarly quality but is not narrowly theoretical. It provides the interested public - diplomats, civil servants, politicians, the military, academics, journalists, and NGO employees - with an up-to-date source of information on peacekeeping, enabling them to keep abreast of the most important developments in the field. Peacekeeping is treated in a pragmatic light, seen as a form of international military cooperation for the preservation or restoration of international peace and security. Attention is focused not only on UN peacekeeping operations, but other missions as well.

The Journal of International Peacekeeping is the continuation of the journal and yearbook International Peacekeeping, founded in 1994.


Of course, from our perspective, the most interesting issues relate to the accountability of international organizations (and perhaps of private military companies) for the actions of their peacekeepers, whether taken out in furtherence of their mandate, or in blatant abuse of their position. This is a range of topics on which I have blogged a couple of times before. I've only had time for a quick look, but there are a range of articles in the first volume of the Journal of International Peacekeeping that are of interest (and will have to be added to the GAL Bbiliography): One on the role of the UN in promoting the rule of law in post-conflict societies; on the ECtHR's Behrami decision; another on the House of Lords' Al Jedda judgment; and another on the immunity of the UN over Srebrenica before a Dutch court. There are also some relevant reviews of books on UN peacekeeping in Lebanon, Somalia and Kosovo, legal implications of peacekeeping, on international territorial administration, and on the "unintended consequences" of peacekeeping missions.

That's a lot of GAL for the first issue of a journal. Definitely one worth keeping an eye on...

Tuesday, March 17, 2009

Forthcoming event on GAL in International Organizations in Geneva

A quick post to highlight the fact that this week (Friday and Saturday to be precise) a major GAL event will be held in Geneva, Switzerland, on Practical Problems of International Organizations: A Global Administrative Law Perspective on Public/Private Partnerships, Accountability, and Human Rights. The conference will feature Panels on the increasing use of public-private partnerships by international organizations; legal process and mandate issues; accountability and immunities; and human rights issues in field operations. There will also be a general round table discussion, involving the chief legal officers of a number of important organizations. A detailed overview and programme of the event is available here.

The conference is jointly organized and sponsored by the Department of Public International Law and International Organization (and in particular by Professor Laurence Boisson de Chazournes) at the University of Geneva Law School and NYU's Institute for International Law and Justice (where the GAL project, led by Professors Benedict Kingsbury and Richard Stewart, is based). The event is also sponsored by the Institute for Research on Public Administration of Rome (led by Professor Sabino Cassese), the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, and the Carnegie Corporation of New York. Special mention must also go to my friend and colleague Lorenzo Casini, who has written more emails in this regard than I even knew existed.

The purpose of the meeting is to raise, analyze, and discuss important operational issues that confront major international organizations (IOs) that may not as yet have been sufficiently addressed in systematic fashion. In order to do so, the conference will bring together leading experts – both practitioners and academics – in the field.

Unfortunately, the meeting is by invitation only. The various contributions will, however, be collected into a volume for publication after the conference; and I will post some reflections on the event here at some point early next week.

Thursday, March 12, 2009

More on IOs, Peacekeeping and Attribution...

Just to keep things ticking over on here, I wanted to post a quick link to this interesting and detailed analysis by Antonios Tzanakopoulos over at the EJIL:Talk! blog on the vexed issues of attribution of the conduct of peacekeeping forces to the international organizations that have instigated or approved their presence. He focuses in particular on the issues surrounding the use of private military companies (PMCs), and concludes that here, at least where they are employed by IOs directly, attribution of their conduct is pretty much automatic. If, that is, the ILC´s Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organizations have called it right. Draft Article 4(1) states:

The conduct of an organ or agent of an international organization in the performance of functions of that organ or agent shall be considered as an act of that organization under international law whatever position the organ or agent holds in respect of the organization.

As Tzanakopoulos notes, any PMC hired by an IO would automatically become an agent of the latter, and thus attribution of their conduct to the IO in question would be similarly automatic. Which makes it significantly easier to attribute the conduct of PMCs to IOs than it does that of national forces used in peacekeeping missions (where "effective control" must be demonstrated), and - perhaps more surprsingly - the conduct of PMCs to States that employ their services (in which case, according to Tzanakopoulos, "one would have to argue basically either that the PMSC exercises elements of governmental authority or that it is directed or (effectively) controlled by that State). He then goes on to examine in more detail this difference, and other aspects of the issues surrounding attribution of peacekeepers´ conduct to IOs. Well worth a read.


Wednesday, January 28, 2009

New blog: Aid Watch

In a somewhat circuitous fashion, we learn from Opinio Juris about a new blog on development aid - Aid Watch - that has been started by Prof William Easterly, a professor of economics here at NYU. His first post, reflecting on the two recent editorials written by World Bank President Robert Zoellick (one in the New York Times last Friday, and the other in Saturday's Financial Times), strongly suggests that there will be much of GAL-related interest in his musings and analyses: it is entitled "Everyone Should Be Responsible...(except the aid agencies)", and contains the following reflection:

President Zoellick does mention briefly the critical issue in both the NYT and FT: some “safeguards to ensure that the money is well spent,” which don’t currently exist. In the FT, he makes the inspirational call for an “Age of Responsibility,” but the Responsibility seems to apply only to rich donors, there is nothing about holding the World Bank responsible.

If you are not accountable for promises, if you try to do everything and focus on nothing, and if you obsess about aid money raised rather than results achieved, haven’t you already told us that the money will not be “well spent”?

The field of development aid is, of course, one of the most important focal points of the GAL project, particularly as the IILJ has just launched a major research programme on "financing development", which will have a major global administrative law component. We very much look forward, then, to reading and commenting on Prof Easterly's contributions on these matters, and hope to perhaps even have some fruitful inter-blog interaction in the near future.

Friday, January 23, 2009

Developing countries and the World Customs Organization: demand for GAL grows

From the always excellent Intellectual Property Watch site, we get this interesting little vignette: the World Customs Organization has disbanded its working group on intellectual property enforcement standards after a number of developing country members complained that "the group’s work on standard-setting might be used as a means of enlarging the obligations imposed on countries by the WTO TRIPS Agreement" (according to the WCO Policy Commission). Brazil and Argentina, for example, had circulated in October 2008 a document entitled "Ensuring transparency and a legitimate, member-driven process in the SECURE Working Group" (available here, p. 14), which included a complaint that documents were developed without sufficient public participation. These concerns have clearly been brought to a head with the discontinuation of the working group.

A new body has been proposed that will focus more heavily on technology transfer and capacity building. IP Watch also reports, however, that this new body is causing concerns among the same members, primarily because, even if the substance of the agenda looks more developing-country friendly, the same issues relating to procedure - in particular transparency, voice and accountability - have not been addressed.

This illustrates two points nicely: firstly, that developing countries are very much alive to the "administrative" nature of standard-setting bodies, and to the fact that their activities can have real normative implications in terms of international obligations; and secondly, that they are increasingly turning to GAL-type demands as a means of ensuring that their voices are, and will continue to be, heard.

Tuesday, January 20, 2009

GAL - and The End Of The World As We Know It

Now read on...

When does it start?


There are very few starts. Oh, some things seem to be beginnings. The curtain goes up, the first pawn moves, the first shot is fired (probably at the first pawn) – but that’s not the start. The play, the game, the war is just a little window on a ribbon of events that may extend back thousands of years. The point is, there’s always something before. It’s always a case of Now Read On.

Much Human ingenuity has gone into finding the ultimate Before. The current state of knowledge can be summarized thus:

In the Beginning, there was nothing, which exploded.


(Terry Pratchett, Lords and ladies (1993) p. 7)

Picture the scene: a group of shadowy individuals hollow a huge underground chamber beneath the Swiss Alps, and within its depths construct a machine capable of smashing particles together at unfathomable speeds (a machine, incidentally, that, as the second picture clearly demonstrates, bears an uncanny resemblance to the big laser in the Death Star). They proudly display a statue of the Hindu deity Shiva, the destroyer of worlds, doing an end-of-the-universe dance (as seen in the first picture); proving that, whatever else, at least someone involved has a sense of humour.

Their stated goal is to reconstruct the conditions existing at the time of the mother of all explosions - the Big Bang itself. Their ends are benevolent - unsatisfied with he current state of scientific knowledge on the subject (as unforgettably described by Pratchett above), they seek only (but nothing less than) enlightenment on the beginning of all things; however, the lust for knowledge that drives them has led them to the conclusion that the risks inherent in their project - the danger that their machine will create black holes that will devour the entire planet and everything on it - are risks worth running. They are beyond the reach of the courts. The day is rapidly approaching when they will press the big red button that may signal the End of history (really, though, this time)...

Science fiction or science fact? Almost entirely the former, it seems (although some director will doubtless try to pass it off as "based on a true story" at some point). For anyone who doesn't already know, the situation sketched above is the doomsday scenario portrayed by a number of critics of the Large Hadron Collider at the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN). Firstly, CERN isn't particularly shadowy; indeed, you can even take a tour of their facility just outside Geneva (which, incidentally, comes highly recommended). And the existence of the "big red button" for turning the machine on appears, amusingly, to be rather the creation of the media's willful ignorance of the science on which they report. However, the scale and ambition of the project is indeed breathtaking:

The Large Hadron Collider (LHC) is a gigantic scientific instrument near Geneva, where it spans the border between Switzerland and France about 100 m underground. It is a particle accelerator used by physicists to study the smallest known particles – the fundamental building blocks of all things. It will revolutionise our understanding, from the minuscule world deep within atoms to the vastness of the Universe.

Two beams of subatomic particles called 'hadrons' – either protons or lead ions – will travel in opposite directions inside the circular accelerator, gaining energy with every lap. Physicists will use the LHC to recreate the conditions just after the Big Bang, by colliding the two beams head-on at very high energy. Teams of physicists from around the world will analyse the particles created in the collisions using special detectors in a number of experiments dedicated to the LHC.

A number of critics - including some scientists - have raised a variety of concerns over the safety of the project, prime among which is indeed - believe it or not - the possibility that the LHC will create miniature black holes that will sink to the Earth's core and eventually devour the entire planet and everything on it. Everyone seems to accept that the first part of this - the creation of little black holes - is a theoretical possibility. Almost everyone - and everyone qualified in the field of particle physics itself - appears to agree that even if this does occur, however, the black holes would be unstable and would evaporate, due to "Hawking radiation", which explains why the planet hasn't yet been devoured by the black holes that are theoretically created by the cosmic rays that frequently strike the earth at the same velocity that will be generated by the LHC.

Apologies in advance to those to whom my inevitably simplistic, doubtlessly reductive and quite possibly inaccurate account of the scientific issues above will have caused offence. There are (a few) actual scientists in the critics' camp, but they appear to have no formal training in the relevant field. This page is a good resource for those interested in taking reading on the issue further, including the papers in which the concerns are raised and those containing expert rebuttals of the points made. The science is, of course, entirely beyond me; but falling back instead on lawyerly instincts and arguments, it is worth making the point that the overwhelming weight of authority insists that there is absolutely no cause for concern. To give one example, here are some of the comments made by Prof. Dr. Hermann Nicolai, Director of the Max Planck-Institut für Gravitationsphysik, on speculations raised by Professor Otto Rössler about the production of black holes at the LHC:

…[T]here is also not the slightest reason from the point of view of a theorist specialized in relativity to take these considerations seriously, since - in my view - they are based on an elementary misunderstanding of the theory of general relativity.
...
To conclude: this text would not pass the referee process in a serious journal.


This is a topic I have been meaning to post on for a while now, after having read an excellent five-part analysis of the legal issues to which it gives rise over at PrawfsBlawg by Eric Johnson (part 1, part 2, part 3, part 4, part 5). Each part is worth reading in full,(comments included), providing a reflection upon a different aspect of the (largely hypothetical) case. Johnson also makes some extremely interesting suggestions, to which I will return briefly below. However, one thing that struck me while reading his posts was the lack of any general conceptual structure within which to frame the issues that he identifies, or the recommendations that he makes. Another thing that struck me was how well-calibrated global administrative law appears to precisely this task.

There have, as far as I can tell, been 2 legal challenges to date, seeking an injunction against the operation of the LHC. Both were, it seems, dismissed for a lack of jurisdiction: one in the US (Sancho v. DOE), dismissed because the US Government's contribution of over $500 million dollars was not sufficient, and did not buy sufficient control, to qualify as a "major Federal action" under the National Environmental Policy Act; and a European Court of Human Rights preliminary judgment that appears to have disappeared without a trace (the complaint, in German, is here; it seems that the complainants were arguing that an earlier case, in which a contractual dispute against CERN was rejected on the grounds of the Organization's immunity from suit before the domestic tribunals of Member States, meant that the requirement to "exhaust domestic remedies" had effectively been obviated).

There are three aspects of Johnson's analysis that I want to look at here from a GAL perspective (contained in parts 4, 3, and 5 respectively; part 2 offers a more detailed outline of the science involved than I have above): technocracy and review, procedure, and immunity. and jurisdiction I'll deal with each briefly in turn.

Technocracy and review
One of the key arguments against any form of legal evaluation of profoundly complex scientific issues is, of course, that few if any judges or lawyers can understand them well enough to formulate any sort of well-informed judgment upon the substance of such debates. This leads easily to the view that courts and lawyers simply shouldn't be involved in scientific debates, creating a kind of "scientocracy" in which majority views of scientists are placed beyond the scope of judicial review. Of course, within the broader field of GAL, it is often simply impossible for them not to be so involved - as the recent EU-Hormones decision of the WTO's Appellate Body amply demonstrates, there are very often occasions in which science and regulation are so inextricably interlinked that a reviewing tribunal cannot but consider scientific issues if it is to be able to perform its functions at all.

This is not true, however, in the case of the LHC; here, lawyers and judges could simply leave CERN and its activities to the scientists (which is, in fact, what it does at present). Given what is at stake in this and other cases - public interest issues par excellence, usually also involving the commitment of vast amounts of public funds - can we really rely on what is effectively an exclusively technocratic mode of governance and be sure that all of the relevant issues are being satisfactorily addressed? Martin Shapiro - amongst many others - has cast doubt on the asumptions underlying the preference for technocratic deliberation:

There are a number of reasons to be agnostic if not atheistic about deliberation. Most fundamentally, there is little reason to believe that people with substantial, long-term, material interests in achieving a particular outcome are going to abandon those interests and their dedication to those outcomes as sweet reason emerges from the talk fest.

It may be argued that science is different: the pursuit of truth can be distinguished clearly from the pursuit of interest; and the relative strength of a proposition can be evaluated in its own terms, divorced from the preferences and politics of those involved. This may be true - to an extent at least - in certain areas of science and with regard to certain issues (although again, as the Hormones saga has shown, where science isn't certain, politics can and should begin to colour the concept of "precaution"). Perhaps most importantly, however, it should be pointed out that the review mechanism upon which most scientists rely when faced with questions such as these - peer review - is often, even in the most respected of journals - much less of a profound and in-depth affair than most lay people suspect. Again, it is reasonable to ask whether, when the science involved speaks to the great political issues of our time or impacts upon matters of profound public interest, whether this type of essentially self-regulation is sufficiently robust.

Johnson puts the matter succinctly, noting that current discourse within the scientific community

... would seem to indicate a pervasive belief among high-energy physicists that lawyers and judges have no proper place in investigating and reviewing their experimental undertakings. If that is true, such a standpoint constitutes a substantial and direct threat to a cherished bedrock concept of modern society, the rule of law.

When it comes to a question such as whether the LHC might plausibly create a black hole, particle physicists can easily claim that no one, other than one of their own, has the depth of understanding required to weigh in....[But] the argument that no one but scientists can understand science, so no one but scientists should exercise control over experimentation, is not only an easy argument to make, it is too easy. Acceptance of such a view effectively vitiates the rule of law for a category of human activity which is potentially of ultimate importance. Thus, this ground should not be conceded. While the knowledge gap provides a tremendous challenge to providing meaningful and fair judicial review of leading-edge scientific research, it should not be permitted to bar the involvement of the courts.


This argument strikes me as persuasive; and nor is it difficult to see how it dovetails with the agenda of the GAL project more generally. In many ways, the essence of GAL is obviated if exclusively "technocratic" governance modes are adopted. As it becomes increasingly accepted, however, the discourse of global administrative law will provide both a language and a framework within which demands for this type of review of important scientific activities - not to mention contribute greatly to the creation of a culture in which they are likely to be successful.

Procedure
We are still, however, left with a significant problem - the undeniable fact that, in many if not most cases, judges and lawyers are singularly ill-equipped to pronounce on the validity of one scientific proposition over another. Moreover, the normal lawyerly response to this - expert testimony - may be unsatisfactory in a number of circumstances: for example, where the science is hotly contested among experts; or, as arguably is the case with the LHC, where the community of experts capable of understanding and evaluating the issues is so small that we cannot be sure that a consensus has been achieved in a genuinely independent and autonomous manner.

Johnson's suggestion for overcoming this issue is essentially procedural (broadly understood) in nature, again dovetailing nicely with the GAL project (in its current form, at least):

While courts are not well equipped to evaluate theoretical science, they certainly are adequate to the task to investigating social dynamics, psychological factors, political influences, and organizational cultures. In evaluating a preliminary injunction request regarding the Large Hadron Collider, a court should scrutinize the culture of CERN and the particle-physics community, as well the political, social, and psychological context in which their decisions are made. Having done so, the court should then determine, with reference to those gathered facts, whether “serious questions” exist, and, thus, whether the case for a preliminary injunction has been made.


As I said, this passage is talking about an investigation into the "procedures" rather than the substance of scientific agreement in the broadest sense of the former term; and yet Johnson seems correct in his suggestion that there is nothing per se unreasonable about the idea of a court examining and evaluating such "psycho-social" processes in order to reassure itself that they were not subject to any pathologies or perversions that could have distorted the outcome. Any causes for concern could lead to a preliminary injunction against the activity in question, until they had been satisfactorily addressed.

We might even go further than this, and suggest that a more mature global administrative law would be able to develop and insist upon broad sets of procedural guarantees designed to weed out such pathologies ex ante, thus obviating the need for a reviewing judge to resort to ad hoc categories and tests in evaluating the ways in which agreement has been generated. The idea of a "global administrative law of science" is, of course, far from being realised, and would present a huge challenge to our collective institutional imagination, and yet it strikes me that it is one area that may well be interesting to pursue. I'll return to it in a later post.

For the moment, it is worth noting that, in the case in question the issue of the safety of CERN's activities appears to be left almost entirely for CERN itself to investigate and decide upon. I do not, of course, mean to imply by this that they have not done a full and thorough job in their investigations; to the contrary, as far as I can tell (not, admittedly, very far), the two recent safety reviews (the first in 2003, by a broup of independent scientists at the LHC Safety Study Group, then updated in 2008 by the LHC Safety Assessment Group to take account of new criticisms that had been raised) seem to be detailed and thorough, and at least confront head-on the concerns of critics with an impressive array of authority.

What is striking about CERN's activity in this regard, however, is the almost complete absence of any sense that procedural guarantees might be useful in securing and enhancing the legitimacy of conclusions. The reports have been reviewed and endorsed by The LSAG report has been reviewed and endorsed by CERN’s Scientific Policy Committee, a group of external scientists that advises CERN’s governing body, the Council. The Terms of Reference for the Committee, however, again give no real sense that processes are of any great import:

Decision-making processes

9. Except in the cases specified in paragraphs 5 (d) and 6 above, the SPC shall take its decisions by simple majority of its members present and voting (abstentions not counted). Consensus is desirable.


It is certainly arguable that in failing to set and keep to a more robustly-formulated set of procedural guarantees, CERN is missing a trick - and this on a number of levels. Firstly, it is losing a key opportunity to present itself as a transparent and accountable organization - two claims that would certainly increase its general legitimacy - and perhaps decrease some of the hysteria that has been generated over the LHC - without any real apparent risk of any adverse outcome for the project. Secondly, it loses the chance that any court that did agree to a review of the processes through which the scientific consensus had been reached will defer to its own procedural setup, thus potentially missing out on an opportunity to control the direction of judicial review. And thirdly, relatedly, it risks that an unsympathetic judge will create ad-hoc categories that fail to capture the degree to which the science really is settled, and undermine a consensus that had in fact been genuine and sound. Even if such a judgment would be extremely difficult to enforce, it could put significant pressure on CERN and the LHC, giving critics unwarranted ammunition in the process. If, on the other hand, CERN had in place a robust set of procedural guarantees ensuring transparency, participation and a genuinely independent process, then these risks woudl all be greatly reduced - particularly if they could point to the standards that they were applying as part of a more mature and generally accepted global administrative law of science.

Immunity and Jurisdiction
This brings us on nicely to last point that I wanted to discuss arising from Johnson's excellent blogs on the LHC: the related questions of immunity and jurisdiction. From a global administrative law perspective, there are two main possibilities for judicial review of the activities of an international organizations such as CERN: either by national courts or by an international body. The former appears certainly the most likely; indeed, Johnson's posts are mostly framed in terms of a hypothetical challenge before a US court. There are, however, two main difficulties with this route in the context of the LHC.

Firstly, as noted above, the challenge before the Swiss courts failed because of the Protocol on the Privileges and Immunities of the European Organization for Nuclear Research of March 2004, which provides in Article 5(1) that, excluding a few narrowly-defined exceptions, "in the exercise of its official activities, the Organization shall enjoy immunity from legal process" before the courts and tribunals of CERN Member States. This is a very common obstacle to the review of the activities of international organizations by domestic courts. Although there have been recent moves by a number of domestic and regional courts to discard this immunity should there not be a substantially equivalent access to justice mechanism available at the international level (see this paper by August Reinisch for more detail), these have to date been confined to staff disputes within international organizations. While the explicitly human rights rationale relied upon in many of these cases might lead us to expect that such an approach to immunity might be extended to the vexed issue of the impact of the activities of international organizations on third party rights, I am as yet unaware of any decision in which this has occurred. It is hard to imagine a more profound potential impact on third party rights than the destruction of the planet and all life on it; it would be interesting indeed to see whether a Swiss court would be as absolutist on the issue of immunity in this context as it was in the earlier contractual dispute.

Even if a domestic court did decide, however, to issue an injunction against the operation of the LHC, there would still be - as Johnson fully acknowledges - almost insurmountable problems of enforcement; indeed, it seems likely that only a Swiss court could make such an order effective. Certainly, courts may be able to stem the flow of funding from national sources, but would in all likelihood be insufficient to stop the machine being switched on at this stage. Short of military action (and Marko Milanovic over at ESIL:Talk! has sketched for us the entertaining - if probably exaggerated - argument that the way in which the US Government's legal advisors had framed the idea of "preventive self-defence", with the amount of "imminence" of a threat required inversely proportional to its "magnitude", would in fact entitle it to bomb Switzerland if it refused to turn off the LHC...), it is difficult to see what steps a foreign court could take to have its judgment enforced. CERN activities are different from many of those of other international organizations in this regard, in that they do not themselves require the mediation of national actors in order to be effective.

These issues combine to create the impression that, in this regard at least, national courts would not be the best fora in which to review the CERN's evaluation of the safety of its own operations. Of course, the other option - the creation of a supranational body with jurisdiction to do so - would solve all of these problems; it has the significant drawback, however, of not actually existing. To my mind, however, again here it is arguable that CERN is missing a trick, and again it is the general GAL framework that enables us to see clearly why this is so. Firstly, it would an independent review body would further strengthen the Organization's claims to accountability, thus increasing its legitimacy and decreasing the strength of opposition it faces. Perhaps most importantly, however, the creation of such a body would make it extremely unlikely that any domestic court would look to waive CERN's immunity and review its activities. This would result in more benefits along the lines suggested above - reducing the risk of unsympathetic judges giving unwarranted ammunition to critics, increasing skepticism among publics and perhaps even impeding the flow of funding. On the other hand, if the science is a clear as it seems to be, then CERN has little to fear from a genuinely independent and impartial scrutiny by a single international body of the ways in which that consensus has come about .

Unless, of course, the tribunal is as unnerved as I am by the Death Star thing...

*** POSTSCRIPT***

My wife, who has much more practical experience with the mysterious functionings of IOs than I do, has pointed out that most privileges and immunities protocols also make specific provision for the settlement of private disputes. I went back to the CERN Protocol, and sure enough:

ARTICLE 16

Disputes of a private nature

1. The Organization shall make provision for appropriate modes of settlement of:

a) disputes arising from contracts to which the Organization is a party;

the Organization shall include, in all written contracts into which it enters, other than those referred to in paragraph 1 d) of this Article, an arbitration clause under which any disputes arising out of the interpretation or execution of the contract shall, at the request of either party, be submitted to arbitration or, if so agreed by the parties, to another appropriate mode of settlement;

b) disputes arising out of damages caused by the Organization or involving any other non-contractual liability of the Organization;

c) disputes involving an official of the Organization who enjoys immunity from legal process, if such immunity has not been waived in accordance with the provisions of Article 5 of this Protocol;

d) disputes arising between the Organization and its officials;

the Organization shall submit all disputes arising from the application and interpretation of contracts concluded with officials of the Organization on the basis of the Staff Rules and Regulations of the Organization to the jurisdiction of the International Labour Organization Administrative Tribunal (ILOAT) or to any other appropriate international administrative tribunal to the jurisdiction of which the Organization is submitted following a decision by the Council.

2. For disputes for which no particular mode of settlement is specified in paragraph 1 of this Article, the Organization may resort to any mode of settlement it deems appropriate, in particular to arbitration or to referral to a national tribunal.

3. Any mode of settlement selected under this Article shall be based on the principles of due process of law, with a view to the timely, fair, impartial and binding settlement of the dispute.


Make of that what you will. On one hand, it seems to create a massive amount of wiggle-room for the Organization, in particular in relation to non-contractual damages and liability, where it doesn't even refer necessarily to third-party or judicial dispute settlement, but only what the Organization deems appropriate. On the other hand, it does seem to create some obligations, particular to settle disputes in a manner "based on the principles of due process of law"; it is certainly arguable that the "dispute settlement" measures taken by CERN to date - the commissioning of independent reports on the safety of the LHC - does not fulfil this. Of course, how one (and, indeed, who) might go about enforcing such an "obligation" in the face of CERN's recalcitrance remains an open question.

Here, incidentally, is CERN's own take on its own immunities, why they are there, how they came about, and what the new Protocol obliges them to do in terms of dispute settlement. Worth a read.