Showing posts with label News. Show all posts
Showing posts with label News. Show all posts

Thursday, April 1, 2010

More on Chevron-Ecuador BIT arbitration

Via Opinio Juris, a quick update on my post below: Chevron have just been awarded damages of circa $700 million by an arbitral panel set up under the US-Ecuador BIT, on the basis that court delatys in rulings on commercial matters constituted a violation of the BIT by not providing an effective means of asserting claims and enforcing rights.

While this case appears to have largely concerned an issue of judicial, rather than administrative due process, it is not irrelevant from a GAL perspective - not least because Ecuador has rejected the finding of the arbitral panel; a course of action that is not, in international legal terms at least, really open to it. Chevron's own site (so perhaps not the least biased source around) notes that

Ecuador is defending the second largest arbitration docket in the world with more than 11 claims seeking more than US$6.5 billion in damages. Ecuador has withdrawn from the World Bank's arbitration program, making it the second country ever to do so, and has indicated its intention to cancel scores of bilateral investment treaties that provide for international arbitration of investment disputes.

It will be interesting to see whether this does indeed come to pass; and, if so, whether Ecuador will remain an outlier, or whether other developing countries may be tempted to challenge the network of bilateral treaties that have been developed to govern international investment.

Monday, March 15, 2010

BITS, Fair and Equitable Treatment and the Cross-Pollination of GAL

I wanted to flag an interesting post by Roger Alford over on Opinio Juris, in which he notes that a New York court has given Chevron leave to bring an arbitration claim against Ecuador under the US-Ecuador Bilateral Investment Treaty, despite the fact that Chevron is currently fighting a 17 year old lawsuit in Ecuador over rain forest contamination (an issue that it acquired when it bought Texaco in 2001). Of key interest here is the fact that Chevron wants to go to arbitration over, inter alia, a claim that it has been denied due process in the Ecuadorean courts. More generally, they are seeking a finding that

...Ecuador has breached the 1194, 1995, 1996 and 1998 investment agreements and the Ecuador-United States BIT, including its obligations to afford fair and equitable treatment, full protection and security, an effective means of enforcing rights, non-arbitrary treatment, non-discriminatory treatment, national and most favoured nation treatment, and to observe obligations that it entered into under the investment agreements.

Of course, it is not certain that an arbitration proceeding would have any impact on the cae in Ecuador; or, indeed, that the panel would find that it had jurisdiction to hear the case. However, Alford notes that "In the hearing this week, counsel for plaintiffs in the underlying Ecuadorian litigation described the arbitration as 'a collateral attack' on a future Ecuadorian judgment"; and there would seem to be some risk of this, given that Chevron are also seeking a finding that

...Claimants have no liability or responsibility for environmental impact, including but not limited to any alleged liability for impact to human health, the ecosystem, indigenous cultures, the infrastructure, or liability for any unlawful profits, or for performing any further environmental remediation arising out of the former Consortium.


Of most interest to me here, however, is Alford's analysis of why Chevron is pursuing this course of action; which, if correct, provides an interesting insight into the way in which recourse to GAL mechanisms in one context can - at least, it is hoped - lead directly to improvements in administrative law protections at other levels of governance, and can also impact upon domestic implementation of awards from other jurisdictions:

My sense is that Chevron is bringing this action not only in an attempt to succeed on the merits of its due process claim, but also to send a signal to the Ecuadorian court that any future action that denies Chevron basic due process will be subject to international scrutiny. The Ecuadorian court now faces the unpleasant prospect of knowing that the Ecuadorian government may be on the hook financially for any improper judgment rendered against Chevron.

I also think it is quite plausible that the BIT arbitration is an opening salvo in future attempts by Chevron to challenge the enforcement of the Ecuadorian judgment in foreign courts. If a BIT arbitration panel concludes that Chevron has been denied due process, this would significantly bolster arguments that the foreign judgment should not be enforced in the United States under the Hilton v. Guyot standard.

Has the Secretary General been barred from bringing claims before the UN Dispute Tribunal?

The answer, it seems, is yes; until, at least, he does what he's told, says sorry and promises not to do it again...

A quick post to highlight a fascinating stand-off currently playing out in the new UN Dispute Tribunal (something I will post on in more detail when I get a minute, as it really is an important development in terms of more traditional international administrative law).

The case in question is Bertucci v. Secretary General of the United Nations, currently being heard by Judge Adams in New York. In his Order No. 40 (NY/2010) of 3 March 2010, he ordered the respondent (the Secretary General) to submit to the Tribunal certain documents pertaining to the case in question. On 7 March 2010, the Respondent entered a submission stating that it declined to submit the documents required of it, and giving reasons for this.

Judge Adams was, perhaps understandably, less than enamoured with this course of action. In Order No. 42 (NY/2010), he notes:

4. To disobey an order of the Tribunal is undoubtedly contempt. Whether it is so described matters not. A deliberate decision to disobey is a direct attack upon the jurisdiction of the Tribunal and its power to undertake the responsibilities with which it has been entrusted in its Statute by the General Assembly.

5. The Tribunal will not accept the legitimacy of disobedience of its orders...

8. This problem has been considered in the common law and the position is clear. Time does not permit me to discuss the relevant cases. But they do not represent any peculiarity of the common law, merely the consequences of the courts controlling their own procedures in the face of contempt-here the willful disobedience of an order of the court-by exercising its necessarily inherent power to vindicate the integrity of its jurisdiction. In my view, a party who has willfully disobeyed a direct order of the Tribunal is not entitled to appear in the Tribunal to advance its case, nor to call any evidence whilst that party remains disobedient and until that disobedience has been purged...

10. The third question is this: why should the respondent be entitled to appear in any proceedings before the Tribunal whilst it is in willful disobedience of an order of the Tribunal? Counsel for the respondent submitted that it should suffer its exclusion only in this case. I decided to reserve the question for the present, but I cannot think that the respondent can be permitted to say, in effect, that it cares about outcomes in different cases differently and only complies with orders where it wants to defend a case. I do not think the Tribunal can be subjected to such a process. But, for now, until my order is complied with, I will not hear the respondent. The applicant is entitled to proceed, on the basis that none of the respondent's material will be considered.

Counsel for the Secretary General then sought to argue that they should be heard in relation to other cases while the dispute over Order No. 40 was ongoing. Judge Adams clarified has since clarified his position, in Order No. 43, in the following terms:

8. Counsel for the respondent contended that it would, in effect, undermine the· administration of justice to deny the respondent a hearing. Of course, this would generally be the case. But the respondent is not being denied the opportunity to be heard, which is the correct statement of the principle. The respondent has it in his hands to take advantage of the opportunity to be heard by obeying the orders of the Tribunal. It is the respondent's own acts that must have the effect of excluding him. Counsel's argument essentially is that the respondent should be able to be heard in the Tribunal whilst denying the obligation to obey the orders of the Tribunal. This is an untenable position.

9. In my view, it would entirely undermine the authority of the Tribunal if the respondent could continue to invoke the jurisdiction of the Tribunal in cases where there were no orders to which he objected, but was indifferent to what occurred in cases where there were orders he decided he would disobey. It would leave the Tribunal in the position that it would never know whether its orders would be complied with or not in the face of the undoubted legal obligation to obey the Tribunal's orders. Accordingly, the Secretary-General will not be heard in the accountability case and he should have fair notice that should his counsel make application to be heard in the other cases before me, my present inclination is that until the disobedience of the Secretary-General is purged by producing the documents I have required to be produced, accompanied by an apology to the Tribunal and an undertaking not to disobey an order again, the respondent will not be entitled to appear, before me.

10. The fundamental purpose is not to punish the respondent, but to make clear that the respondent does not get to decide which orders he will comply with and which he will ignore. There is no other way the jurisdiction and integrity of the Tribunal can be upheld. I regard the refusal as a direct and brazen attack on the rule of law created by the General Assembly and solemnly embodied in the Statue of this Tribunal. The Secretary-General can either comply with the rule of law, or he can defy it, but it should be understood, that if ·he defies it, he cannot expect that the Tribunal will be prepared to listen to what might be said by him or on his behalf. I trust the matter is now clear.

It is hard not to like Judge Adams, who it seems is causing something of a stir in UN circles with his principled stand in these latest orders; the idea that the Secretary General is really bound by the decisions of the Tribunal has apparently come as a bit of a shock. In his latest order on this issue, Adams notes that the Secretary General has requested a week for "further consideration" to be given to the orders; refusing to back down, rhe eplied that "The question of principle is simple and easily understood. I am unable to see how any reasonable consideration of it could take so long." Updates on this case can be found here as it unfolds.

He also notes that "At the close of the day's proceedings, the Tribunal ordered that the officer who made the decision that Tribunal's Order 40 (NY 12010) would not be complied with is to appear before me at 10:00 a.m., Wednesday, 10 March 2010."

Shame I'm not still in New York - would have been fun to have been a fly on the wall at that one...


**UPDATE** Brilliantly, the officer in question didn't show up. Probably best just to give you Judge Adams' reaction in his own words:

It is clear that the decision to disobey the Tribunal's Order No. 40 (NY/2010) as to production of documents was taken by an officer of the Organization. Accordingly, yesterday I also ordered (Order No. 44 (NY/2010)) the officer who had made the decision to disobey the order, whose identity has not been disclosed, to appear in the Tribunal this morning at 10:00am, expecting that counsel for the respondent then in court would take appropriate steps to ascertain that person's identity and inform him or her of the order to appear...

At shortly after 9:30am this morning the Registry was informed in a document entitled "submission" and signed by a legal officer and the Chief of the Administrative Law Section of the Office of Human Resources Management as follows-

In response to Order No. 2010/44, the respondent notifies the Tribunal that the officer referred to ... will not be appearing before the Tribunal at 10.00am on 10 March 2010...

As I have already said, the refusal to obey the Tribunal's Order is a brazen attack upon the rule of law embodied in the Tribunal and cannot be disregarded. In other jurisdictions, serious personal penalties would apply to officials who willfully disobeyed the order of a court. That sanction is not. available to the Tribunal except through misconduct proceedings. It follows therefore that the Tribunal must use other means of enforcing the jurisdiction which has been entrusted to it by the General Assembly under the Charter and pursuant to its Statute. The Tribunal has an inherent jurisdiction to safeguard its own proceedings, to ensure that they are not abused by any party and to ensure, so far as possible, that its orders are obeyed. A party which is in willful disobedience of an order cannot at the same time expect that he, she or it will be permitted to invoke the jurisdiction of the Tribunal to vindicate their contractual rights. The Tribunal is no respecter of persons. The Organization, which is represented by the Secretary-General, is a mere contracting party before the Tribunal, with no status greater or better than that of the staff member, and is subject to the same rules.

When counsel was directed to convey my Order to the decision-maker, she informed me that she needed to "talk to her bosses" and could only convey my Order "through my hierarchy". I informed counsel, "Your bosses should understand that, if my Order is not obeyed, I will expect a person to appear tomorrow morning to explain why. It is the professional obligation of a lawyer to convey decisions of the court to the client. I expect that obligation to be fulfilled. If there is a question about whether it is fulfilled or not, I will expect an explanation."

That, I think, is quite clearly fighting talk.

Thursday, August 6, 2009

Abdelrazik v. Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs: A Challenge to the Security Council's 1267 Regime?

The first of two quick posts today to flag some interesting and (relatively) recent posts (yeah, I've been on holiday...) over at EJIL:Talk!, both dealing in some way with the Kadi judgment and subsequent reactions to the UN' s sanctions listing mechanism. The first post that I want to discuss briefly is by Antonios Tzanakopoulos, and discusses a recent judgment from a Canadian Federal Court - Abousfian Abdelrazik v The Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Attorney General of Canada - which involved a claim by a Canadian/Sudanese citizen, trapped at the Canadian Embassy in Sudan, that Canada had violated his Charter right to return to Canadian soil. The interesting part for our purposes here is that Abdelrazik has been listed by the Security Council's 1267 Committee, and as such – Canada argued – he could not be allowed to return to Canada without violating the travel ban.

Tzanakopoulos' post, entitled 'An Effective Remedy for Josef K: Canadian Judge ‘Defies’ Security Council Sanctions through Interpretation', gives a full account of the factual background to the case, and the legal arguments raised. In my view, however, he reads too much into it in suggesting that this is in any real sense a challenge to the Security Council's sanctions regime (although there is some dicta that makes the judge's distaste for that regime plain), or that it somehow 'goes further' than did the ECJ in Kadi. Two quick points in this regard.

Firstly, Tzanakopoulos argues that 'In Abdelrazik, the Court was prepared to go a step further than the ECJ as it asserted that the sanctions regime imposed by SCRs 1267-1822 was unlawful under international human rights law'. Certainly, the judge did state openly, after listing the now/familiar problems with the UN system, that 'I add my name to those who view the 1267 Committee regime as a denial of basic legal remedies and as untenable under the principles of international human rights (para. 51), and that 'is frightening to learn that a citizen of this or any other country might find himself on the 1267 Committee list, based only on suspicion' (para. 54). These strong statements, however, and the many others like them, are all in the 'legal background' section of the judgment; I could find little to suggest that they were more than obiter dicta, forming part of the actual substantive basis of the judgment other than a passage that notes that 'in light of these shortcomings, it is disingenuous of the respondents to submit, as they did, that if he is wrongly listed the remedy is for Mr. Abdelrazik to apply to the 1267 Committee for de-listing and not to engage this Court' – para 53). In that sense, this judgment is nothing like as important an indictment of the procedural deficiencies of the listing mechanism as was Kadi.

Tzanakopoulos seems to acknowledge this, arguing instead that these statements indicate the 'underlying rationale' of the judgment: the 'international ilegality of the 1267 regime'. Again, however, I find this to be overreaching somewhat. While there is no doubt of the judge's disdain for the sanctions regime, it is equally clear that he was at pains to point out that compelling Canada to return Abdelrazik would not in fact violate the Security Council Resolutions in question. Far from mounting a legal challenge to the 1267 regime then, the judge in effect reaffirmed it (even if through gritted teeth), and simply dismissed a pretty flimsy Canadian attempt to use the travel ban to circumvent its domestic constitutional obligations.

Canada had argued that it was the Security Council listing, not Canada itself, that had prevented Abdelrazik's return, as Canada was bound by the Security Council Resolutions in question. In response to this, the judge simply noted that

The UN 1267 travel ban provides that States shall “prevent the entry into or transit through their territories” of listed individuals, “provided that nothing in this paragraph shall oblige any State to deny entry into or require the departure from its territories of its own nationals and this paragraph shall not apply where entry or transit is necessary for the fulfilment of a judicial process or the Committee determines on a case-by-case basis only that entry or transit is justified.” (para. 121)

In response to Canada's argument that to get him back onto Canadian soil from Sudan he would have to transit through the airspace ('territory') of a number of other States, thus violating the travel ban, the judge first noted that such an interpretation of the Resolution ran contrary to that previously expressed by Canada itself; and that, in any event,

...the respondents’ interpretation of the 1267 travel ban leads to a nonsensical result. According to their interpretation, the Resolution permits a citizen to enter Canada if and only if he happens to be standing at the Canadian border crossing, but it prevents that same citizen from reaching that border crossing as he cannot transit over land or through air to reach it. On the respondents’ interpretation the exemption that provides that no State is obliged to prevent its citizens from entry becomes meaningless as there is virtually no possibility that a listed person will be located at a border crossing and there is no possibility under current technology that he will be able to simply transport himself to the border crossing without transiting over land or through the air. Quite simply that could not have been the intention of the drafters of the Resolution. (para. 127).

As I said, this is more a reaffirmation of the primacy of the Security Council resolutions – procedural warts and all – than any sort of challenge to them. Moreover, it is achieved not through any interpretative gymnastics, but rather on an entirelyreasonable and persuasive reading of the text in question. An interesting case then, and Tzanakopoulos' post is worth reading in full; but Kadi it ain't.

Friday, July 31, 2009

EU Terrorist Listing in a post-Kadi world: Othman v. Council

A quick post to update on some more post-Kadi developments within the European Union (hat tip to Amaury Reyes for passing this one on): on June 11th this year, the Court of First Instance handed down its judgment in the case of Omar Mohammad Othman v. Council and Commission. The case was so similar in legal and factual context to that of Kadi that it had twice been suspended pending judgment in the later case, first at first instance and then on appeal before the ECJ.


The Council and Commission (and the UK as intervener) basically made the same arguments as they had in Kadi. With basically the same result:


83. With regard, first, to the procedure leading to the adoption of the contested regulation, it must be pointed out that the Council at no time informed the applicant of the evidence adduced against him…


85. Because the Council neither communicated to the applicant the evidence used against him to justify the restrictive measures imposed on him nor afforded him the right to be informed of that evidence within a reasonable period after those measures were enacted, the applicant was not in a position to make his point of view in that respect known to advantage. Therefore, the applicant’s rights of defence, in particular the right to be heard, were not respected…


86. In addition, given the failure to inform him of the evidence adduced against him and having regard to the relationship… between rights of defence and the right to an effective legal remedy,the applicant was also unable to defend his rights with regard to that evidence in satisfactory conditions before the Community judicature, with the result that it must be held that his right to an effective legal remedy has also been infringed.


89. It must, therefore, be held that the contested regulation, in so far as it concerns the applicant, was adopted without any guarantee being given as to the communication of the inculpatory evidence against him or as to his being heard in that connection, so that it must be found that that regulation was adopted according to a procedure in which the applicant’s rights of defence were not observed, which has had the further consequence that the principle of effective judicial protection has been infringed.


The Court also noted that the infringement had not been remedied by the time of the judgment: the Council noted that they had made (some) efforts to do so (i.e. giving him some reasons and inviting his comments), but this had not yet been effected, and nor were they able to state when it would be. Therefore, the Court held that it had no choice but to annul the contested regulation as it applied to the applicant.


Basically the same result as Kadi; but not quite. The Council, Commission and the UK had argued strongly that, even if the Court should find in this manner and annul the regulation, it should, as the ECJ had done, maintain its effects for a period of time to allow for violations to be corrected, as “annulment with immediate effect would be capable of seriously and irreversibly prejudicing the effectiveness of the restrictive measures imposed by that regulation and which the Community is required to implement” (para. 79).


This, however, the Court declined to do:

95. In the circumstances of the case, there are no grounds for allowing the request made at the hearing by the Council and the interveners seeking to have the effects of the contested regulation maintained for a short period pursuant to Article 231 EC.

96. The period already elapsed since the delivery of the judgment in Kadi on appeal, on 3 September 2008, far exceeds the maximum period of three months from the date of delivery of that judgment considered reasonable by the Court of Justice in order to allow the Council to remedy the infringements found in that case, while taking account of the considerable impact of the restrictive measures concerned on the rights and freedoms of the persons concerned (see, to that effect, Kadi on appeal, paragraphs 375 and 376).

97 Although that period was determined by reference only to the case of the two persons involved in the cases giving rise to Kadi on appeal, namely, Mr Kadi and the Al Barakaat International Foundation, the fact remains that the Council could not have been unaware that the applicant’s situation, which is in all respects comparable (see paragraph 82 above), necessarily called for the same response on its part. Furthermore, the institutions that are parties to these proceedings have stated that they have taken steps, in particular by approaching the Sanctions Committee, immediately after the delivery of that judgment, for the purpose of making the Community fund-freezing procedures consistent with the principles laid down in that judgment (see paragraphs 72 and 73 above).

(Although the Court also noted that, in any event, Community procedures meant that the Council would have a period of some two months from the date of notification of the judgment in which to pass a new restrictive measure on the applicant).

No real surprises here. However, the Court decided not to confront – in any way – what is surely the most important issue at stake here in broader terms: that of whether the “steps taken” by the Council since Kadi are sufficient to satisfy the rights claims of listed individuals. I blogged on these earlier here; but here they are again, summarised nicely by the Court (para. 71):

In its observations… the Council acknowledged that, following Kadi on appeal, it was necessary to provide the applicant with a statement of reasons, to allow him an opportunity to comment on it and to take those comments into consideration before adopting a new decision to freeze funds affecting him.

Necessary, yes; but sufficient? I have my doubts. Presumably, however, the CFI is going to leave that question to the ECJ in the next installment of the Kadi saga.

Thursday, July 30, 2009

More on the ski-jumping...

I am currently in summer mode, in a mountain retreat, hence the lack of action on here of late (no posts for a month! Worse than I had thought...): I actually have to go into the next town to get online. While my world has regressed to the stone age, however, that of GAL continues apace, and as such I will be making an effort to post at least once a week from now on – if only to cut down on the catching up I will have to do when I get back to the real world.

Talking of catching up, here’s something I should have posted a few weeks ago: a quick follow up to the controversy in Canada over the IOC’s decision to exclude women’s ski-jumping events from the next Winter Olympics, despite the fact that it has organised equivalent men’s events (see my previous post here). On the July 10th, the Supreme Court of British Columbia in Canada handed down its judgment: perhaps unsurprisingly, there will be no women’s ski jumping at the next Winter Olympics. More surprising, however, and of no little interest from a GAL perspective, is the judge’s reasoning in coming to this judgment.

The arguments, put briefly, were as follows: the complainants alleged that the decision to hold men’s but not women’s events in ski-jumping constituted unlawful discrimination under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. They recognised the the International Olympic Committee was not subject to the Charter; however, they argued that the Vancouver Organising Committee (VANOC) was (despite the fact that it is a formally private body), and that as such it could not organise an Olympics on Canadian soil that had one event but not the other. They also recognised that VANOC did not have the power itself to organise the inclusion of a women’s event (only the IOC can decide on which events are included), but that a finding that VANOC was acting unlawfully would in effect compel the IOC to take remedial action. Thus, in effect ,the claim was that a domestic court should make a “bottom-up” demand for GAL within a private global administrative body.

As noted above, VANOC is formally a private body, although with signficant government involvement from the federal, state and local levels. The judge first inquired as to whether VANOC could be held to be “controlled” by the Canadian government (and there is an interesting review of the Canadian jurisprudence on the requirements of this for those interested) – holding, ultimately, that it could not. Despite significant input into decision-making and funding, the day-today running (“effective control”) was clearly that of the IOC.

(Incidentally, the judge also noted in passing - para. 14 - that there is a real difference between “effective” and “ultimate” control, dismissing the argument that the Canadian Government had the latter. Someone should really tell the EctHR…)

The other way in which the Charter can become applicable to a formally private body within Canada is if that body is conducting “a truly governmental activity”:

53. The IOC owns the Olympic Games and has control over their delivery, but it does not actually stage the Olympic Games. That is left to others. The question I must answer is whether staging the 2010 Games is a truly governmental activity.

54. In answering this question, I must bear in mind that it is not sufficient for an entity to be performing a public function; nor is it sufficient that the activity can be described as public in nature… In McKinney v. University of Guelph, … La Forest described as truly governmental “activities that can in some way be attributed to government” and “specific activities where it can fairly be said that the decision is that of the government, or that the government sufficiently partakes in the decision as to make it an act of government”.


56…. In my view, hosting the 2010 Games is uniquely governmental in nature. The 2010 Games are intended to bring together the nations of the world as the guests of one nation and one city. They are not awarded to a private entity, but to the host city. The 2010 Games are known as the “Vancouver 2010 Olympics”. Historically, governments hosted the Games directly… While the historical role of government is not conclusive, it is one factor that supports the governmental nature of the Olympic Games.

61. Rule 33(2) of the Olympic Charter provides that “[t]he honour and responsibility of hosting the Olympic Games are entrusted by the IOC to a city, which is elected as the host city of the Olympic Games.” Rule 34(3) of the Olympic Charter also requires that:
The National Government of the country of any applicant city must submit to the IOC a legally binding instrument by which the said government undertakes and guarantees that the country and its public authorities will comply with and respect the Olympic Charter.

62. In my view, the IOC would not have awarded the 2010 Games to Vancouver without the backing of all four governments.

63. The governments’ decision to bid for the 2010 Games and to host them is an act of government that could not have been undertaken by any other entity. The staging of Olympic Games in Canada is, in my view, a rare but uniquely governmental activity. The governmental nature of the activity is borne out by Canada’s imposition on VANOC of obligations similar to those imposed by s. 25 of the Official Languages Act…which applies to bodies acting on behalf of the Canadian government. Further, Canada and British Columbia have both imposed procurement policies on VANOC, including those related to the nationality of goods and Canada’s international obligations in relation to procurement. Similarly, Canada has imposed on VANOC its policies in relation to tobacco advertising and restrictions on certain investments. Canada will take part in planning the opening and closing ceremonies to ensure that they reflect Canada’s cultural diversity and linguistic duality; the governments have also imposed on VANOC pay equity and equal employment standards.


Noting, in passing, a 1984 US judgment that held that the the equal protection rights under the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution were applicable to the Olympic Games in Los Angeles, despite the fact that these were run by the Los Angeles Olympic Committee (the equivalent of VANOC), the judge thus held that VANOC is carrying out a governmental function, and as such is bound by the provisions of the Charter: “A governmental activity carried out through a private entity that is not controlled by government should be carried out in a manner consistent with the Charter, whether that activity flows from legislation, government policy, or contract.” (para. 72)

The next question, then, was whether there had been discrimination. Here, the judge found in the affirmative: that, even although the women’s event failed to meet the IOC’s universality requirements (i.e. enough countries participating to a high level), this was also the case for the men’s event, which had been given a special exemption due to its historical presence in the games. All agreed, however, that the IOC, albeit the source of the discrimination, could not be brought before the Canadian court under the Charter.

113. The plaintiffs argue that by implementing the direction of the IOC not to plan, organize, finance, and stage a ski jumping event for women, VANOC imports the IOC’s discrimination… It is the plaintiffs’ view that the IOC can make decisions that draw distinctions between the benefits it provides to men and women in its activities in Switzerland, but VANOC cannot implement discriminatory decisions in carrying out the Olympic Programme in Canada.


It is at this final point, however, that the judge disagreed – finding that mere implementation of a decision over which the body in question had no control could not itself create a violation of the Charter:

121. VANOC cannot be held to be in breach of the Charter in relation to decisions that it cannot control. VANOC did not make the decision to exclude women‘s ski jumping from the 2010 Games. VANOC did not support that decision. VANOC does not have the power to remedy it.

123. In my view, having found that VANOC is subject to the Charter with respect to ascribed activities that are governmental in nature, it must follow that only those activities and the decisions that VANOC has the ability to make while delivering those activities can be the source of a breach of the Charter. Staging the 2010 Games is a governmental activity. VANOC must therefore stage the Games in a manner consistent with the Charter. However, designating events as “Olympic events” is neither part of that governmental activity nor within VANOC
s control.

124. I acknowledge that there is something distasteful about a Canadian governmental activity subject to the Charter being delivered in a way that puts into effect a discriminatory decision made by others, but it is VANOC
s conduct that is challenged here. It must be remembered that, in addition to not having control of the impugned decision, VANOC supported inclusion of womens ski jumping and remains ready and willing to host such an event should the IOC change its decision. There may be exceptions to the general principle that a party should only be found to be in breach of the Charter when the impugned decision is within its authority to make and amend, but if they exist they would be extremely rare, and this is not such a case.

132. There will be little solace to the plaintiffs in my finding that they have been discriminated against; there is no remedy available to them in this Court. But this is the outcome I must reach because the discrimination that the plaintiffs are experiencing is the result of the actions of a non-party which is neither subject to the jurisdiction of this Court nor governed by the Charter. The plaintiffs. application is, therefore, dismissed.

An interesting case, then, and much of interest from a GAL perspective, both in terms of the public/private issue and the possibilities of domestic “bottom-up” demand for GAL from domestic courts in relation to global bodies – even if the judged ultimately baulked at the latter. It is also interesting to speculate on what the wider effects of this decision would be, as there is nothing in the judgment to suggest that it should be limited to the Charter’s governance of sports, or indeed of private bodies carrying out governmental functions more generally. For example: in theory, Canada has no formal control over a UN Security Council Resolution mandating the freezing of an individual’s assets on the gorunds of suspected links to terrorist organisations. Would the application of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms be just as easily circumvented in this context, I wonder? We are told that the ski-jumpers are currently considering an appeal, so it may be tested futher yet...

Monday, June 1, 2009

A little more still on the fallout from Kadi

Thanks to Mathias Vermeulen over at the excellent blog The Lift, we have the (belated) news of the steps proposed by the European Commission to address, in general terms, the concerns regarding the terrorist listing mechanism expressed by the ECJ in the Kadi case. These are contained in COM(2009) 187 final, and are in essence simply a general expression of the particular measures relating to Kadi that I had blogged about previously here.

5. The revised procedure should include providing to the listed person, entity, body or group the reasons for listing as transmitted by the UN Al Qaida and Taliban Sanctions Committee, so as to give the listed person, entity, body or group an opportunity to express his, her or its views on those reasons. The purpose of Regulation (EC) No 881/2002 is to freeze the funds and economic resources of persons, entities, bodies and groups included in the Al Qaida and Taliban list drawn up by the UN. As the relevant UN Security Council Resolutions provide that such freezing has to take place “without delay”, such measure must, by its very nature, take advantage of a surprise effect. Therefore, the Commission should be able to take a provisional decision before informing the person, entity, body or group concerned of the reasons for listing. The reasons for listing should, however, be notified to that person, entity, body or group without undue delay, after that decision has been published, to give the person, entity, body or group concerned an opportunity to make effectively his, her or its point of view known.

And that - together with some recognition of the need for a similar procedure backdated to those who are already on the list - is more or less that. Remains to be seen, however, whether these fairly cursory tweaks will be sufficient to placate the ECJ in the next installment of the saga. I would suspect - and hope - not; indeed, I wouldn't be surprised if they were a little miffed by what might well be styled as a pretty blunt challenge to their authority...

Friday, May 1, 2009

Kadi: Recent Developments

I thought that, given I had already suggested that it might prove a "watershed" moment for global administrative law, leading to the "bottom up" creation of due process rights with respect to the UN Security Council's terrorist listing mechanism, I should give an update of developments in the Kadi case before the ECJ. Although it does seem likely that Security Council members were considering taking such action in the aftermath of the Kadi judgment (see e.g. the comments by Thomas Franck at the NYU colloquium on the subject here), it appears that they have decided - for the moment at least - that the measures taken immediately prior to the ECJ's decision in Security Council Resolution 1822/2008 would be sufficient from its end. Mattias Vermeulen over at The Lift blog noted as follows, in December of last year:

JAN GRAULS (Belgium), speaking as Chair of the Al-Qaida and Taliban sanctions Committee said that resolution 1822 (2008) - a milestone in the life of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1267 (1999) on Al-Qaida and the Taliban - had introduced several important innovations with regard to the listing and de-listing procedures, the notification of sanctioned individuals and entities, the posting of narrative summaries of reasons for listing on the Committee’s website and the review mechanisms. Those improvements had added to the transparency, fairness and clarity of the sanctions regime.

However, the Chair of the Committee also, it seems, signalled that there was considerable room for improvement:

He said Committee members had committed themselves to transposing resolution 1822 (2008) in a new framework for the practical implementation of the new mechanisms before the end of the year. The new framework would form a solid basis for the next Chair. However, one could not ignore the international context in which those developments had occurred. Security Council sanctions regimes, increasingly under pressure, had recently been questioned, especially in light of the need for fair and clear procedures for listing, de-listing and granting of humanitarian exemptions. The Al-Qaida and Taliban sanctions Committee had not made significant progress in that regard... More must be done to ensure that the right individuals and entities were targeted. Due respect for fair and clear procedures could only increase the effectiveness of the sanctions regimes.

So what does the "milestone" Resolution 1822/2008 actually provide? Here are, for me, the relevant passages relating to the due process concerns relevant to GAL and the Kadi case:

- Para. 12, which "reaffirms" that, where proposing an individual or entity for listing, Member States shall provide a detailed statement of case, indicating which parts may be made publicly available;
- Para. 13, which "directs" the Committee to make available on its website a "summary narrative of reasons" for any decision to list;
- Para. 16, which "underlines" the need for prompt updates of the consolidated list on the Committee's website;
- Para. 16, which "demands" that Member States notify individuals not only that they have been listed, but also provide the reasons for listing that are publicly available, a description of the effects of listing, and information on the de-listing procedure;

There then follow (paras. 19-22) some provisions effectively reiterating and welcoming the provisions of Resolution 1730 (2006) on the establishment of the "focal point" to which listed individuals can make requests for delisting; there is little if anything new here, however. The few remaining paragraphs of relevance (24-26) provide that the Committee should carry out a review of all names on the list by 30 June 2010, and subsequently annually on all names that have not been reviewed for three or more years, "in order to ensure the Consolidated List is as updated and accurate as possible and to confirm that listing remains appropriate".

That there isn't a huge amount of progress here in terms of due process seems a fairly banal assertion; however, the remainder of Resolution 1822 (2008) - which precedes the above procedural tweaks - makes clear that the obligations relating to listed individuals are to be implemented regardless. The very first paragraph of the Resolution "[d]ecides that all States shall take the measures as previously imposed" with regard to individuals on the consolidated list, and, in case we had forgotted, para. 8 "[r]eiterates the obligation of all Member States to implement and enforce the measures set out in paragraph 1 above, and urges all States to redouble their efforts in this regard".

The UN Security Council thus appears to have decided - for the time being at least - that Kadi is Europe's problem; how, then, is Europe dealing with it? With the remarkable Commission Regulation EC 1190/2008, which aims to remedy the infringements found by the ECJ in the Kadi judgment. The Commission, it seems, has decided that these infringements were not particularly serious at all:

3. In order to comply with the judgment of the Court of Justice, the Commission has communicated the narrative summaries of reasons provided by the UN Al-Qaida and Taliban Sanctions Committee, to Mr Kadi and to Al Barakaat International Foundation and given them the opportunity to comment on these grounds in order to make their point of view known.
...
6. After having carefully considered the comments received from Mr Kadi in a letter dated 10 November 2008, and given the preventive nature of the freezing of funds and economic resources, the Commission considers that the listing of Mr Kadi is justified for reasons of his association with the Al-Qaida network.


That's it. They sent Kadi a summary of reasons for his listing, "carefully considered" his comments, and decided that they had been right all along. And this is to remedy the infringements of the "constitutional guarantees" of the EU in relation to individual rights to be heard, to an effective legal remedy, and to property found by the ECJ in one of its highest profile cases of recent years.

Not entirely surprisingly, on the 26th of February 2009, a new action was brought by Kadi:

First, the applicant submits that the contested regulation lacks a sufficient legal basis because it appears to amend Regulation 881/2002 without relevant determination by United Nations which, in the applicant's opinion, is precondition for the amendment of that regulation.

Second, the applicant claims that the contested regulation violates his rights of defence, both the right to an effective hearing and the right to effective judicial protection, and fails to remedy the infringements of those rights as found by the Court in joined cases C-402/05 and C­415/05. He further contends that the contested regulation provides no procedure for communicating to the applicant the evidence on which the decision to freeze his assets was based, or for enabling him to comment meaningfully on that evidence.

Third, the applicant submits that the Commission failed to provide compelling reasons for maintaining the asset freeze against the applicant, in violation of its obligation under Article 253 EC.

Fourth, it claims that the Commission failed to undertake an assessment of all relevant facts and circumstances in deciding whether to enact the contested regulation and therefore manifestly erred in its assessments.

Fifth, the applicant contends that the contested regulation constitutes an unjustified and disproportionate restriction on his right to property which is not justified by compelling evidence.

This promises to be an interesting test, firstly of the credibility of the ECJ, and (if it passes that) secondly of just how far it is prepared to push its defence of the due process rights within the EU in the face of strong pressure from Member States and from the Security Council. Although it is always risky to make predictions in cases such as these, I am not sure how, in the light of its previous judgment, the ECJ could accept these extremely superficial "corrections" made by the Commission as genuine remedies of the infringements it identified whilst retaining credibility. If it does so, rather than being an important decision for the development of global administrative law, the Kadi judgment may becomes rather an important illustration of GAL's "dark side": of how, with remarkably little effort, violations of established rights can be legitimated by a superficial veneer of due process and administrative law talk. (For a similar argument in a different context, that of the WTO's Shrimp/Turtle decision, see this excellent article by B.S. Chimni). To be honest, however, I can't see this happen here.

However, even if it does reject them as insufficient, it may well feel itself compelled to specify more clearly precisely what is required in order to ensure compatibility with the constitutional guarantees of the European Union; and, given that it left itself significant "wiggle room" in its previous judgment, these may fall well short of what some might hope or expect. In this regard, Kadi's first claim above - that the judgment cannot be enforced while he remains on the Security Council's list - strikes me as a bit of a non-starter, given how reluctant the ECJ was to suggest any power over the Security Council in the previous case. The rest, however, seem fairly compelling...

Anyway - here we go again. Hat tip to Professor Monica Claes at the University of Tilburg for bringing this to my attention.

Tuesday, April 21, 2009

GAL and... women's ski-jumping

As if to prove that there is almost no conceivable field of human activity that is not of at least potential interest to us here at the GAL blog, an interesting situation is developing in Canada with regard to its hosting the 2010 Winter Olympics. In a nutshell, a group of female ski-jumpers has brought a claim before the Supreme Court of British Columbia, claiming that the fact that men can compete in this event at the Olympics while women can't is discriminatory, and in particular in violation of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) argues that the women's sport is not developed enough tobe included in the Olympics. The Vancouver Olympic Organizing Committee argues that the decision was made by the IOC, which is immune from jurisdiction before Canadian courts. According to the BBC, the key issue will be showing that the Canadian government has effective control over the Organizing Committee, which will thus render the Canadian Charter applicable. The Plaintiffs' Memorandum of Argument can be found here. Certainly, much time is spent arguing that VANOC is controlled and financed by the Canadian Government. Just as much time, however, is spent on the discrimination claim itself, and the fact that the women train and sacrifice just as much as the men, and thus deserve equal recognition. And it does not shy away from emotive language: "At its core, VANOC's failure to plan, organize, finance and stage even one ski jumping event for women is an affront to the human dignity of the Plaintiffs" (para. 181).

Loads of interesting issues here: the discrimination claim; the immunity claim; the role of domestic courts in effectively applying domestic law to decisions of an international organisation; the public-private dimension ever-present in controversies involving the IOC; and the liability of domestic members of global organisations for activities and decisions of the latter. What is the legal nature of the Vancouver Organizing Committee? Is it a Canadian Government Agency? An autonomous NGO? An IOC "field mission"? We'll be keeping a close eye on this one...

Monday, February 16, 2009

Gordon Brown to lead the IMF?

Maybe; then again, maybe not...

On one hand, as Jackey Ashley writes in today's Guardian,

It starts with the 2 April London G20 summit. This will be an important moment, with lots of red carpet, as leaders queue to be photographed with President Obama. But as the world stares at full-blown depression, with countries such as China and Germany under huge pressure to do more to revive the global economy, it's a lot more important than that. What will actually come out of it? Well, there's one near-certainty: agreement about the need for a new global financial regulator, whether based inside or outside the IMF.

I'm told the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, has a favourite candidate to head this new body - Gordon Brown. She is said to be quietly pushing the idea behind the scenes and getting quite a good reaction from other leaders. Obama can be won over, says my source, and even Sarkozy would be pleased to see the man he's been tussling with off the European stage.


While, on the other, as Martin Kettle responds in the same newspaper,

...would Brown really be the right man for the revamped IMF? Even if – and it's a big if – there is a successful G20 that reforms the global financial institutions in the way that the British would like, it does not follow that Brown would be the right choice to run it. For one thing, as Jackie says, he is one of the many authors of the failed financial regime that the new IMF would be replacing. For another, the French and Germans would be very reluctant to lose their existing control of the IMF managing directorship to a British candidate, while for yet another – and for me this is the clincher – Brown's style of working means he is simply not good at running large collegiate organisations.

One more reason to look forward to the next G20 meeting in London in April...

*** UPDATE ***

It's been officially denied. Then again, it's been officially denied (at 4 m 50 s in...)

Thursday, February 5, 2009

The World Bank, government procurement and corruption

An interesting little incident that slipped under the radar last month (thanks to my colleague Yunpeng Fan for bringing it to my attention): the World Bank, as a result of an internal investigation by its Integrity Vice Presidency (INT) (responsible for investigating allegations of fraud and corruption in Bank-financed operations), found evidence of "collusive practices" (price-fixing) by seven firms - including four State-owned Chinese companies - and one individual in a major Bank-financed public roads project in the Philippines. As a result, the World Bank Sanctions Board has debarred those involved from participating in future Bank-supported projects for varying lengths of time. According to the Integrity Vice President Leonard McCarthy,

This is one of our most important and far-reaching cases, and it highlights the effectiveness of the World Bank’s investigative and sanctions process. As the World Bank Group continues to ramp up its anti-corruption work, INT will remain vigilant in investigating allegations and holding wrongdoers accountable.

It is also interesting to note, however, that both the Governments of both China and the Philippines have made allegations of procedural irregularities within the procedures followed by the World Bank (although these, it should be added, seem to be very vague assertions of "lack of evidence", "not responding to the parties involved", and "not allowing key players to participate in the inquiry") - demonstrating an awareness of the Bank not simply as the source of administrative law rules (here relating to public procurement), but also as an administrative body in its own right, whose activities should thus in principle be subject to requirements of due process. For those interested in going further, the Bank's sanctions procedures can be found here.

Both Governments have also, it seems, requested that the details of the Bank's investigation be handed over, in order that they might either challenge it or launch judicial proceedings of their own, where appropriate. At present, I'm uncertain as to whether the Bank has furnished this information - although I can see no real reason why it should refuse... Will update on this more if and when I hear anything.

Wednesday, February 4, 2009

More on the G20 and the reform of the global financial system

A quick post to keep those interested in the ongoing development of the G20's plans to respond to the global financial crisis, and in particular the GAL-related elements thereof, updated. The Washington Summit of November 15 last year established five different priorities for reform:

- Strengthening transparency and accountability
- Enhancing sound regulation
- Promoting integrity in financial markets
- Reinforcing international cooperation
- Reforming the International Financial Institutions


Although the 1st and the 5th of these are of the obvious relevance from a global administrative law perspective, there will likely be elements of interest in each. From IFIWatchnet, we learn that the G20 has established a set of Working Groups charged with the tasks of evaluating steps that have been taken and making recommendations for future reforms in their respective areas:

As Chair of the G20 in 2009 the UK, working closely with Brazil and Korea 2008 and 2010 Chairs respectively, has established four working groups to advance this work for the next Leaders’ Summit on 2 April in London. Each working group is co-chaired by two senior officials from the G20, one from a developed and one from an emerging market economy. Each G20 country is represented on each working group. Experts from relevant international financial institutions, standard setting bodies, non G20 countries, business and academia have also been invited by co-chairs to input into the work of the groups.


(Interesting to note here the participation of relevant private and civil society actors in the Working Groups).

Working Group 1 is to focus on "Enhancing sound regulation and strengthening transparency", and will, inter alia, "make... recommendations to strengthen international standards in the areas of accounting and disclosure, prudential oversight and risk management" (As an aside, I wonder what the relation of these recommendations to the work of the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) might be).

Working Group 2 is to deal with "Reinforcing international co-operation and promoting integrity in financial markets", including "the regulation and oversight of international institutions and financial markets", and proposals to "protect the global financial system from illicit activities and non-co-operative jurisdictions" and "strengthen collaboration between international bodies".

Working group 3 will look at the specific issue of "Reforming the IMF", and will "review the appropriateness of the IMF’s lending instruments and the effectiveness of its surveillance function, and will consider the sufficiency of its resources, and its general arrangements and accountability; and will look at the issue of reform of the governance structure so that it more adequately reflect changing economic weights in the world economy".

Lastly, Working Group 4 will perform a very similar function to Working Group 3, but with a broader remit to investigate the activities of "The World Bank and other multilateral development banks (MDBs)" - including their mandates, governances structures and policy instruments.

Plenty of GAL there, then - although mostly, it should be noted, based upon an "efficacy-driven" rather than a "justice-driven" governance logic. The Working Groups are to report to the Finance Ministers and Governors of the Central Banks of G20 States on march 14th, ahead of the next summit in London on April 2 of this year.

Wednesday, January 28, 2009

UNHCR overstepping its mandate at the World Economic Forum?

... Unless, of course, it has a mandate for sponsoring crass, if well intentioned, activities.

Which it probably does. We can only assume that last year's promotion - "Experience Darfur!" - in Trafalgar Square, London, was a roaring success. That, at least, was not billed as a VIP-only event...

Monday, January 26, 2009

GAL at the World Economic Forum?

An interesting short post over at the Guardian politics blog on the forthcoming World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, entitled "shaping the post-crisis world". Under normal circumstances, the glitzy, invitation-only event might not seem to be a particularly promising place to be looking for improvements in increased participation, transparency and accountability; as the Guardian post points out, however, these are not normal circumstances:

Last year's co-chairman of the forum, the Indian software tycoon B Ramalinga Raju, was arrested earlier this month in connection with allegations that company accounts were falsified. And among the names on the steering committee for the WEF's keynote report on economic prospects was the Merrill Lynch chief executive, John Thain, who resigned last week – shortly after his stricken bank was taken over by Bank of America – amid allegations of hiring celebrity decorators to revamp his office at a cost of $1.2m (£880,000).

The mighty are definitely fallen, and Davos will be debating how hard they should be kicked: the future of international banking regulation is expected to be the dominant theme...

If a new economic world order is going to be built from the ruins, the horse-trading will not come until later – starting with the meeting of the G20 industrialised nations in April – but the foundations could well be worked out here. Even the major corporate delegates are talking about the need for tighter regulation, more transparency and accountability.

As always, it remains a case of waiting-and-seeing for the time being; but this is, once again, yet more proof that the demand for GAL - in some form - is increasing across the fields of global governance, and amongst all of the various actors involved.

Friday, January 23, 2009

Developing countries and the World Customs Organization: demand for GAL grows

From the always excellent Intellectual Property Watch site, we get this interesting little vignette: the World Customs Organization has disbanded its working group on intellectual property enforcement standards after a number of developing country members complained that "the group’s work on standard-setting might be used as a means of enlarging the obligations imposed on countries by the WTO TRIPS Agreement" (according to the WCO Policy Commission). Brazil and Argentina, for example, had circulated in October 2008 a document entitled "Ensuring transparency and a legitimate, member-driven process in the SECURE Working Group" (available here, p. 14), which included a complaint that documents were developed without sufficient public participation. These concerns have clearly been brought to a head with the discontinuation of the working group.

A new body has been proposed that will focus more heavily on technology transfer and capacity building. IP Watch also reports, however, that this new body is causing concerns among the same members, primarily because, even if the substance of the agenda looks more developing-country friendly, the same issues relating to procedure - in particular transparency, voice and accountability - have not been addressed.

This illustrates two points nicely: firstly, that developing countries are very much alive to the "administrative" nature of standard-setting bodies, and to the fact that their activities can have real normative implications in terms of international obligations; and secondly, that they are increasingly turning to GAL-type demands as a means of ensuring that their voices are, and will continue to be, heard.

Thursday, January 22, 2009

The rise and rise of informal networks as a mode of governance?

I wanted to make just a short post with some brief reflections on the news that Anne-Marie Slaughter has taken leave from her post as Dean of Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton in order to head the US Department of State's Office of Policy Planning, an "internal think tank for the Department of State - undertaking broad analytical studies of regional and functional issues, identifying gaps in policy, and initiating policy planning and formulation to fill these gaps". (Hat tip to Opinio Juris.)

In October of last year, Dean Slaughter gave a lecture here at NYU, entitled “America’s Edge: A Global Country in a Global Century”. The crux of her interesting and provocative talk was focused on the idea of and potential for informal networks as a mode of governance in the 21st century. Her argument was that there would be something of a sea-change in the way the dominant modes of governance structures were organsied: from heirarchical, top-down arrangements to heterachical webs. In her view, the US is no longer well-placed to hold on to its place at the top of the heirarchical structures of global governance, faced as it is by challenges from India and China in particular. However, such structures are of rapidly diminishing importance; and America's edge is, in her view, the fact that it is uniquely well calibrated to take its place at the center of the web of networks that will dominate the governance landscape of the next century.

Slaughter offered a number of different reasons for her optimism in this regard; some persuasive, others less so. That her focus is on governance by networks will come as a surprise to no-one who is familiar with her most famous book, A New World Order, published in 2004, which focused on government networks as the main constitutents of that order. It is not, however, the empirical claim that networks are of the importance that she suggests that I want to raise here; and nor is it her particular reasons for insisting that the US is best placed to influence the governance activities that they carry out. Rather, it is her general, not-quite-but-nearly unbridled optimism regarding the structure itself that I want to note.

The first thing that it is, in my view, important to recall is that "informal networks" have been around as a mode of governance for as long as governance itself: those in power have always used such loose stuctures in order to get things done (think, for example, of the "old boys networ" in the UK - and doubtless elsewhere). What is new, in the work of Slaughter and others like her, is that networks are now overwhelmingly presented as a solution to one of the challenges of good governance rather than an obstacle that must be overcome. Networks used to be the problem; now, it seems, they are (being presented as) the cure.

It is not difficult to see why networks have been viewed as problem rather than solution in the past. They are often secretive; opaque; their membership unknown and closed to outsiders; and largely unaccountable to any public constituency (usually as a direct result of their secretive nature). Take the recent scandal of the Conservative Party Shadow Chancellor allegedly actively seeking an illegal donation from a Russian multimillionaire on the private yacht of another millionaire - this too is a form of "informal governance network", and one that it is much harder to portray in a positive light. And it should be recalled that the only reason we found out about this one was because Nat got mad at George for blabbing about the nasty things that Peter had said about Gordon at dinner - without this, we would simply never have known.

Slaughter's work does illustrate well the potential benefits to be gained from structuring governance around networks of government actors, rather than in the old heirarchical model; and this aspect of her work cannot simply be ignored. However, it is imperative that networks are viewed not only as a mode of but also a problem for good governance - that we seek to develop ways of harnessing their potential whilst lessening their shortcomings. It is this dual issue that the conceptual framework provided by the GAL project brings so sharply into focus: since the outset, networks have been counted as one of the key types of global administrative body currently in existence; and yet the whole purpose of the project is to pose the hard questions that must be asked of such structures: questions of transparency, of participation, and of accountability.

Of course, Slaughter is aware of these problems, and she devotes a chapter of A New World Order (Ch. 6, "A Just World Order") to outlining how they might be resolved, with many of her solutions fitting perfectly into the agenda and substance of the GAL project. She has long been an influential figure; and her new post will undoubtedly make her even more so. Congratulations, then, to Dean Slaughter on her appointment, and good luck to her in her new role; and, to the extent that she does seek to help fulfil her own prophecy of the future of "the network" as a governance structure, let's hope she bears in mind that it is at once - and in roughly equal parts - part of the solution and part of the problem.

Of course, if she was also to frame things explicitly in terms of an emerging global administrative law, we wouldn't be too upset...

Tuesday, January 20, 2009

GAL - and The End Of The World As We Know It

Now read on...

When does it start?


There are very few starts. Oh, some things seem to be beginnings. The curtain goes up, the first pawn moves, the first shot is fired (probably at the first pawn) – but that’s not the start. The play, the game, the war is just a little window on a ribbon of events that may extend back thousands of years. The point is, there’s always something before. It’s always a case of Now Read On.

Much Human ingenuity has gone into finding the ultimate Before. The current state of knowledge can be summarized thus:

In the Beginning, there was nothing, which exploded.


(Terry Pratchett, Lords and ladies (1993) p. 7)

Picture the scene: a group of shadowy individuals hollow a huge underground chamber beneath the Swiss Alps, and within its depths construct a machine capable of smashing particles together at unfathomable speeds (a machine, incidentally, that, as the second picture clearly demonstrates, bears an uncanny resemblance to the big laser in the Death Star). They proudly display a statue of the Hindu deity Shiva, the destroyer of worlds, doing an end-of-the-universe dance (as seen in the first picture); proving that, whatever else, at least someone involved has a sense of humour.

Their stated goal is to reconstruct the conditions existing at the time of the mother of all explosions - the Big Bang itself. Their ends are benevolent - unsatisfied with he current state of scientific knowledge on the subject (as unforgettably described by Pratchett above), they seek only (but nothing less than) enlightenment on the beginning of all things; however, the lust for knowledge that drives them has led them to the conclusion that the risks inherent in their project - the danger that their machine will create black holes that will devour the entire planet and everything on it - are risks worth running. They are beyond the reach of the courts. The day is rapidly approaching when they will press the big red button that may signal the End of history (really, though, this time)...

Science fiction or science fact? Almost entirely the former, it seems (although some director will doubtless try to pass it off as "based on a true story" at some point). For anyone who doesn't already know, the situation sketched above is the doomsday scenario portrayed by a number of critics of the Large Hadron Collider at the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN). Firstly, CERN isn't particularly shadowy; indeed, you can even take a tour of their facility just outside Geneva (which, incidentally, comes highly recommended). And the existence of the "big red button" for turning the machine on appears, amusingly, to be rather the creation of the media's willful ignorance of the science on which they report. However, the scale and ambition of the project is indeed breathtaking:

The Large Hadron Collider (LHC) is a gigantic scientific instrument near Geneva, where it spans the border between Switzerland and France about 100 m underground. It is a particle accelerator used by physicists to study the smallest known particles – the fundamental building blocks of all things. It will revolutionise our understanding, from the minuscule world deep within atoms to the vastness of the Universe.

Two beams of subatomic particles called 'hadrons' – either protons or lead ions – will travel in opposite directions inside the circular accelerator, gaining energy with every lap. Physicists will use the LHC to recreate the conditions just after the Big Bang, by colliding the two beams head-on at very high energy. Teams of physicists from around the world will analyse the particles created in the collisions using special detectors in a number of experiments dedicated to the LHC.

A number of critics - including some scientists - have raised a variety of concerns over the safety of the project, prime among which is indeed - believe it or not - the possibility that the LHC will create miniature black holes that will sink to the Earth's core and eventually devour the entire planet and everything on it. Everyone seems to accept that the first part of this - the creation of little black holes - is a theoretical possibility. Almost everyone - and everyone qualified in the field of particle physics itself - appears to agree that even if this does occur, however, the black holes would be unstable and would evaporate, due to "Hawking radiation", which explains why the planet hasn't yet been devoured by the black holes that are theoretically created by the cosmic rays that frequently strike the earth at the same velocity that will be generated by the LHC.

Apologies in advance to those to whom my inevitably simplistic, doubtlessly reductive and quite possibly inaccurate account of the scientific issues above will have caused offence. There are (a few) actual scientists in the critics' camp, but they appear to have no formal training in the relevant field. This page is a good resource for those interested in taking reading on the issue further, including the papers in which the concerns are raised and those containing expert rebuttals of the points made. The science is, of course, entirely beyond me; but falling back instead on lawyerly instincts and arguments, it is worth making the point that the overwhelming weight of authority insists that there is absolutely no cause for concern. To give one example, here are some of the comments made by Prof. Dr. Hermann Nicolai, Director of the Max Planck-Institut für Gravitationsphysik, on speculations raised by Professor Otto Rössler about the production of black holes at the LHC:

…[T]here is also not the slightest reason from the point of view of a theorist specialized in relativity to take these considerations seriously, since - in my view - they are based on an elementary misunderstanding of the theory of general relativity.
...
To conclude: this text would not pass the referee process in a serious journal.


This is a topic I have been meaning to post on for a while now, after having read an excellent five-part analysis of the legal issues to which it gives rise over at PrawfsBlawg by Eric Johnson (part 1, part 2, part 3, part 4, part 5). Each part is worth reading in full,(comments included), providing a reflection upon a different aspect of the (largely hypothetical) case. Johnson also makes some extremely interesting suggestions, to which I will return briefly below. However, one thing that struck me while reading his posts was the lack of any general conceptual structure within which to frame the issues that he identifies, or the recommendations that he makes. Another thing that struck me was how well-calibrated global administrative law appears to precisely this task.

There have, as far as I can tell, been 2 legal challenges to date, seeking an injunction against the operation of the LHC. Both were, it seems, dismissed for a lack of jurisdiction: one in the US (Sancho v. DOE), dismissed because the US Government's contribution of over $500 million dollars was not sufficient, and did not buy sufficient control, to qualify as a "major Federal action" under the National Environmental Policy Act; and a European Court of Human Rights preliminary judgment that appears to have disappeared without a trace (the complaint, in German, is here; it seems that the complainants were arguing that an earlier case, in which a contractual dispute against CERN was rejected on the grounds of the Organization's immunity from suit before the domestic tribunals of Member States, meant that the requirement to "exhaust domestic remedies" had effectively been obviated).

There are three aspects of Johnson's analysis that I want to look at here from a GAL perspective (contained in parts 4, 3, and 5 respectively; part 2 offers a more detailed outline of the science involved than I have above): technocracy and review, procedure, and immunity. and jurisdiction I'll deal with each briefly in turn.

Technocracy and review
One of the key arguments against any form of legal evaluation of profoundly complex scientific issues is, of course, that few if any judges or lawyers can understand them well enough to formulate any sort of well-informed judgment upon the substance of such debates. This leads easily to the view that courts and lawyers simply shouldn't be involved in scientific debates, creating a kind of "scientocracy" in which majority views of scientists are placed beyond the scope of judicial review. Of course, within the broader field of GAL, it is often simply impossible for them not to be so involved - as the recent EU-Hormones decision of the WTO's Appellate Body amply demonstrates, there are very often occasions in which science and regulation are so inextricably interlinked that a reviewing tribunal cannot but consider scientific issues if it is to be able to perform its functions at all.

This is not true, however, in the case of the LHC; here, lawyers and judges could simply leave CERN and its activities to the scientists (which is, in fact, what it does at present). Given what is at stake in this and other cases - public interest issues par excellence, usually also involving the commitment of vast amounts of public funds - can we really rely on what is effectively an exclusively technocratic mode of governance and be sure that all of the relevant issues are being satisfactorily addressed? Martin Shapiro - amongst many others - has cast doubt on the asumptions underlying the preference for technocratic deliberation:

There are a number of reasons to be agnostic if not atheistic about deliberation. Most fundamentally, there is little reason to believe that people with substantial, long-term, material interests in achieving a particular outcome are going to abandon those interests and their dedication to those outcomes as sweet reason emerges from the talk fest.

It may be argued that science is different: the pursuit of truth can be distinguished clearly from the pursuit of interest; and the relative strength of a proposition can be evaluated in its own terms, divorced from the preferences and politics of those involved. This may be true - to an extent at least - in certain areas of science and with regard to certain issues (although again, as the Hormones saga has shown, where science isn't certain, politics can and should begin to colour the concept of "precaution"). Perhaps most importantly, however, it should be pointed out that the review mechanism upon which most scientists rely when faced with questions such as these - peer review - is often, even in the most respected of journals - much less of a profound and in-depth affair than most lay people suspect. Again, it is reasonable to ask whether, when the science involved speaks to the great political issues of our time or impacts upon matters of profound public interest, whether this type of essentially self-regulation is sufficiently robust.

Johnson puts the matter succinctly, noting that current discourse within the scientific community

... would seem to indicate a pervasive belief among high-energy physicists that lawyers and judges have no proper place in investigating and reviewing their experimental undertakings. If that is true, such a standpoint constitutes a substantial and direct threat to a cherished bedrock concept of modern society, the rule of law.

When it comes to a question such as whether the LHC might plausibly create a black hole, particle physicists can easily claim that no one, other than one of their own, has the depth of understanding required to weigh in....[But] the argument that no one but scientists can understand science, so no one but scientists should exercise control over experimentation, is not only an easy argument to make, it is too easy. Acceptance of such a view effectively vitiates the rule of law for a category of human activity which is potentially of ultimate importance. Thus, this ground should not be conceded. While the knowledge gap provides a tremendous challenge to providing meaningful and fair judicial review of leading-edge scientific research, it should not be permitted to bar the involvement of the courts.


This argument strikes me as persuasive; and nor is it difficult to see how it dovetails with the agenda of the GAL project more generally. In many ways, the essence of GAL is obviated if exclusively "technocratic" governance modes are adopted. As it becomes increasingly accepted, however, the discourse of global administrative law will provide both a language and a framework within which demands for this type of review of important scientific activities - not to mention contribute greatly to the creation of a culture in which they are likely to be successful.

Procedure
We are still, however, left with a significant problem - the undeniable fact that, in many if not most cases, judges and lawyers are singularly ill-equipped to pronounce on the validity of one scientific proposition over another. Moreover, the normal lawyerly response to this - expert testimony - may be unsatisfactory in a number of circumstances: for example, where the science is hotly contested among experts; or, as arguably is the case with the LHC, where the community of experts capable of understanding and evaluating the issues is so small that we cannot be sure that a consensus has been achieved in a genuinely independent and autonomous manner.

Johnson's suggestion for overcoming this issue is essentially procedural (broadly understood) in nature, again dovetailing nicely with the GAL project (in its current form, at least):

While courts are not well equipped to evaluate theoretical science, they certainly are adequate to the task to investigating social dynamics, psychological factors, political influences, and organizational cultures. In evaluating a preliminary injunction request regarding the Large Hadron Collider, a court should scrutinize the culture of CERN and the particle-physics community, as well the political, social, and psychological context in which their decisions are made. Having done so, the court should then determine, with reference to those gathered facts, whether “serious questions” exist, and, thus, whether the case for a preliminary injunction has been made.


As I said, this passage is talking about an investigation into the "procedures" rather than the substance of scientific agreement in the broadest sense of the former term; and yet Johnson seems correct in his suggestion that there is nothing per se unreasonable about the idea of a court examining and evaluating such "psycho-social" processes in order to reassure itself that they were not subject to any pathologies or perversions that could have distorted the outcome. Any causes for concern could lead to a preliminary injunction against the activity in question, until they had been satisfactorily addressed.

We might even go further than this, and suggest that a more mature global administrative law would be able to develop and insist upon broad sets of procedural guarantees designed to weed out such pathologies ex ante, thus obviating the need for a reviewing judge to resort to ad hoc categories and tests in evaluating the ways in which agreement has been generated. The idea of a "global administrative law of science" is, of course, far from being realised, and would present a huge challenge to our collective institutional imagination, and yet it strikes me that it is one area that may well be interesting to pursue. I'll return to it in a later post.

For the moment, it is worth noting that, in the case in question the issue of the safety of CERN's activities appears to be left almost entirely for CERN itself to investigate and decide upon. I do not, of course, mean to imply by this that they have not done a full and thorough job in their investigations; to the contrary, as far as I can tell (not, admittedly, very far), the two recent safety reviews (the first in 2003, by a broup of independent scientists at the LHC Safety Study Group, then updated in 2008 by the LHC Safety Assessment Group to take account of new criticisms that had been raised) seem to be detailed and thorough, and at least confront head-on the concerns of critics with an impressive array of authority.

What is striking about CERN's activity in this regard, however, is the almost complete absence of any sense that procedural guarantees might be useful in securing and enhancing the legitimacy of conclusions. The reports have been reviewed and endorsed by The LSAG report has been reviewed and endorsed by CERN’s Scientific Policy Committee, a group of external scientists that advises CERN’s governing body, the Council. The Terms of Reference for the Committee, however, again give no real sense that processes are of any great import:

Decision-making processes

9. Except in the cases specified in paragraphs 5 (d) and 6 above, the SPC shall take its decisions by simple majority of its members present and voting (abstentions not counted). Consensus is desirable.


It is certainly arguable that in failing to set and keep to a more robustly-formulated set of procedural guarantees, CERN is missing a trick - and this on a number of levels. Firstly, it is losing a key opportunity to present itself as a transparent and accountable organization - two claims that would certainly increase its general legitimacy - and perhaps decrease some of the hysteria that has been generated over the LHC - without any real apparent risk of any adverse outcome for the project. Secondly, it loses the chance that any court that did agree to a review of the processes through which the scientific consensus had been reached will defer to its own procedural setup, thus potentially missing out on an opportunity to control the direction of judicial review. And thirdly, relatedly, it risks that an unsympathetic judge will create ad-hoc categories that fail to capture the degree to which the science really is settled, and undermine a consensus that had in fact been genuine and sound. Even if such a judgment would be extremely difficult to enforce, it could put significant pressure on CERN and the LHC, giving critics unwarranted ammunition in the process. If, on the other hand, CERN had in place a robust set of procedural guarantees ensuring transparency, participation and a genuinely independent process, then these risks woudl all be greatly reduced - particularly if they could point to the standards that they were applying as part of a more mature and generally accepted global administrative law of science.

Immunity and Jurisdiction
This brings us on nicely to last point that I wanted to discuss arising from Johnson's excellent blogs on the LHC: the related questions of immunity and jurisdiction. From a global administrative law perspective, there are two main possibilities for judicial review of the activities of an international organizations such as CERN: either by national courts or by an international body. The former appears certainly the most likely; indeed, Johnson's posts are mostly framed in terms of a hypothetical challenge before a US court. There are, however, two main difficulties with this route in the context of the LHC.

Firstly, as noted above, the challenge before the Swiss courts failed because of the Protocol on the Privileges and Immunities of the European Organization for Nuclear Research of March 2004, which provides in Article 5(1) that, excluding a few narrowly-defined exceptions, "in the exercise of its official activities, the Organization shall enjoy immunity from legal process" before the courts and tribunals of CERN Member States. This is a very common obstacle to the review of the activities of international organizations by domestic courts. Although there have been recent moves by a number of domestic and regional courts to discard this immunity should there not be a substantially equivalent access to justice mechanism available at the international level (see this paper by August Reinisch for more detail), these have to date been confined to staff disputes within international organizations. While the explicitly human rights rationale relied upon in many of these cases might lead us to expect that such an approach to immunity might be extended to the vexed issue of the impact of the activities of international organizations on third party rights, I am as yet unaware of any decision in which this has occurred. It is hard to imagine a more profound potential impact on third party rights than the destruction of the planet and all life on it; it would be interesting indeed to see whether a Swiss court would be as absolutist on the issue of immunity in this context as it was in the earlier contractual dispute.

Even if a domestic court did decide, however, to issue an injunction against the operation of the LHC, there would still be - as Johnson fully acknowledges - almost insurmountable problems of enforcement; indeed, it seems likely that only a Swiss court could make such an order effective. Certainly, courts may be able to stem the flow of funding from national sources, but would in all likelihood be insufficient to stop the machine being switched on at this stage. Short of military action (and Marko Milanovic over at ESIL:Talk! has sketched for us the entertaining - if probably exaggerated - argument that the way in which the US Government's legal advisors had framed the idea of "preventive self-defence", with the amount of "imminence" of a threat required inversely proportional to its "magnitude", would in fact entitle it to bomb Switzerland if it refused to turn off the LHC...), it is difficult to see what steps a foreign court could take to have its judgment enforced. CERN activities are different from many of those of other international organizations in this regard, in that they do not themselves require the mediation of national actors in order to be effective.

These issues combine to create the impression that, in this regard at least, national courts would not be the best fora in which to review the CERN's evaluation of the safety of its own operations. Of course, the other option - the creation of a supranational body with jurisdiction to do so - would solve all of these problems; it has the significant drawback, however, of not actually existing. To my mind, however, again here it is arguable that CERN is missing a trick, and again it is the general GAL framework that enables us to see clearly why this is so. Firstly, it would an independent review body would further strengthen the Organization's claims to accountability, thus increasing its legitimacy and decreasing the strength of opposition it faces. Perhaps most importantly, however, the creation of such a body would make it extremely unlikely that any domestic court would look to waive CERN's immunity and review its activities. This would result in more benefits along the lines suggested above - reducing the risk of unsympathetic judges giving unwarranted ammunition to critics, increasing skepticism among publics and perhaps even impeding the flow of funding. On the other hand, if the science is a clear as it seems to be, then CERN has little to fear from a genuinely independent and impartial scrutiny by a single international body of the ways in which that consensus has come about .

Unless, of course, the tribunal is as unnerved as I am by the Death Star thing...

*** POSTSCRIPT***

My wife, who has much more practical experience with the mysterious functionings of IOs than I do, has pointed out that most privileges and immunities protocols also make specific provision for the settlement of private disputes. I went back to the CERN Protocol, and sure enough:

ARTICLE 16

Disputes of a private nature

1. The Organization shall make provision for appropriate modes of settlement of:

a) disputes arising from contracts to which the Organization is a party;

the Organization shall include, in all written contracts into which it enters, other than those referred to in paragraph 1 d) of this Article, an arbitration clause under which any disputes arising out of the interpretation or execution of the contract shall, at the request of either party, be submitted to arbitration or, if so agreed by the parties, to another appropriate mode of settlement;

b) disputes arising out of damages caused by the Organization or involving any other non-contractual liability of the Organization;

c) disputes involving an official of the Organization who enjoys immunity from legal process, if such immunity has not been waived in accordance with the provisions of Article 5 of this Protocol;

d) disputes arising between the Organization and its officials;

the Organization shall submit all disputes arising from the application and interpretation of contracts concluded with officials of the Organization on the basis of the Staff Rules and Regulations of the Organization to the jurisdiction of the International Labour Organization Administrative Tribunal (ILOAT) or to any other appropriate international administrative tribunal to the jurisdiction of which the Organization is submitted following a decision by the Council.

2. For disputes for which no particular mode of settlement is specified in paragraph 1 of this Article, the Organization may resort to any mode of settlement it deems appropriate, in particular to arbitration or to referral to a national tribunal.

3. Any mode of settlement selected under this Article shall be based on the principles of due process of law, with a view to the timely, fair, impartial and binding settlement of the dispute.


Make of that what you will. On one hand, it seems to create a massive amount of wiggle-room for the Organization, in particular in relation to non-contractual damages and liability, where it doesn't even refer necessarily to third-party or judicial dispute settlement, but only what the Organization deems appropriate. On the other hand, it does seem to create some obligations, particular to settle disputes in a manner "based on the principles of due process of law"; it is certainly arguable that the "dispute settlement" measures taken by CERN to date - the commissioning of independent reports on the safety of the LHC - does not fulfil this. Of course, how one (and, indeed, who) might go about enforcing such an "obligation" in the face of CERN's recalcitrance remains an open question.

Here, incidentally, is CERN's own take on its own immunities, why they are there, how they came about, and what the new Protocol obliges them to do in terms of dispute settlement. Worth a read.